MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
|rhu3 the Magh Fort was turned to a Magh Domain (notorious
for disorder)—as if the forty-nine winds (Baiyiis) and
sixty-four ghosts (Bhuts) had made their abode
in that fort —Rajarshi (Rabindranath)
By
JAMINI MOHAN GHOSH
Late Director, D.C. W.C., Bengal
Author of Sannyasi and Fakir Raiders in Bengal,
Select Chapters on Mymensingh, Bengal
Finance (Sales Tax) Act, 1942,
West Bengal Land Reforms Act, 1955
etc. etc.
Foreword
By
HUMAYUN KABIR
Minister, Scientific Research and Cultural
Affairs, India
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CONTENTS
Subject
Pages
Foreword
•
1
Preface
1
Introduction
8
Chapter
I
The Maghs
17
Chapter
II
Bharer Meye and Magh-Tainted Families
26
Chapter
III
Sandwip and the Portuguese Pirates
35
Chapter
IV
Bhatis and Sunderbans
48
Chapter
V
Arakan
65
Chapter
VI
Pre-Mughal Period—^Rajaa and Bhuiyas
62
Chapter
VII
Consolidation of Mughal Power
66
Chapter
VIII
Dualism in Government—Subedar
and Dewan
78
Chapter
IX
Imperial Nawara
81
Chapter
X
Measures taken against Magh Raiders ..
91
Chapter
XI
Slavery in Bengal
104
Annexure Maps—^Their utilisation
ill
Appendix A—Extracts from Harvey’s
History of Burma
116
Appendix B (1)—Notes on a Tour in the
Chittagong Hill Tracts in 1926 by
J. P. Mills, I. C. S.
118
Appendix B (2)—Notes on the Maghs
of Cox’s Bazar ..
127
Appendix C—Notes on the Folk Dances
of Bengal by the Late Mr. G. S. Dutt
I. C. S* .. . ■ .1
131
Bibliography
136
Index
140
Minister,
Scientific Research and
Cultural Affairs, India,
New Delhi.
FOREWORD
I have read with interest the brochure
on the Magh Raiders in Bengal by Shri Jsunini
Mohon Ghosh, who retired some years ago after
a distinguished record as a Civil Servant. In
the course of his duties he has travelled
widely in Bengal and studied customs and
institutions in different parts of the State.
A man of keen observation and wide intellec¬
tual interests, it is natural that he was
attracted by aspects of local history not
discussed in the general histories of the
land. He has already to his credit an account
of the Sannyasi and the Fakir Raiders of
Bengal and now he has added to his list this
brochure on the Magh Raiders.
Shri Ghosh has given a brief account of
the origin of the Maghs but many points of
doubt remain. His vie.w seems to be that they
were descended from the Chinese, but he does
not explain how these Chinese arrived in
Arakan. If they came overland through Burma,
by the time they reached Arakan, they would
have become more Burmese than Chinese. If they
came by sea, they could not have been many in
number. The most likely explanation is that
many racial strains combined to produce these
Maghs.
C ii ]
As Shri Ghosh has pointed out, soma 200
years before, the Maghs were a symbol of
terror and oppression to the common man in
Bengal. Whenever the Government was weak,
they carried out their depredations right
into the heart of the country. Their mobility
seems to have been their greatest strength,
but they also appear to have been intrepid
fighters. They resorted to force whenever
they were strong, but they also used ruse and
treachery whereever necessary. It would be
interesting if the author undertook a further
study to describe how the Maghs were curbed
and converted from sea raiders into the
peaceful citizens of to-day.*
Shri Ghosh deserves the thanks of
students of history for his interesting side¬
lights on a period about which we have little
knowledge to this day.
September 20, 1960, Humayun Kabir.
New Delhi.
* 1 have made some additions to the Chapter on Maghs and added
other Chapters in compliance with the suggestion but still there remaixu a
vast field for further research.
PREFACE
The atrocity, murder and mpine of the Danes, during
their invasion of England have been told by Anglo-Saxon
•chroniclers. Our poet Gangaram^ of Mymensingh has given a
vivid description of the plunder, slaughter and rape by the
Bargis. No less impressive is the crude verse of Panchanan
Das^ of Bogra telling of the consternation caused by the news
of Majhu Shah Fakir’s march and atrocities committed by the
Fakirs. Thanks to the activities and researches of the Sahitya
Parisads they have been published. But all these tales palle into
insignificance before the horrors of Magh raids, unfortunately
we have no connected account of them. This brochure has been
written from stray references culled from various books and
records. I know and feel my limitations, invalidated as I am
by disease and age.
Who would, now-a-days, believe that the timid and mild
people from Arakan, who were taken to camps in the Rangpur
district during the Second World War, were the descendants
of those relentless and rapacious Maghs who carried on their
predatory expeditions in Bengal, century after century, imprison¬
ing and forcibly taking away men, women and children and
selling them as slaves. “They^ carried off Hindus and Moslems
... .threw them one above another in the decks of their ships
and sold them to the Dutch, English and French merchants at
the ports of the Deccan. Sometimes they brought the captives
to sell at a high price to Tamluk and the port of Balasore.^
The Raja of Tamluk had to allow them the use of Tamluk as
a slave mart under threat of violence. Many of the beautiful
slave girls noticed by P 3 Tard de Laval® in the Goa market were
certainly from Bengal. It is further stated that during the
four years from 1621 to 1624 the Portuguese brought to
^ Maharasira Puran.
^ Majnur Ko^ts.
® The Arakanese pirates—Maghs and Feringhis.
* Shihabuddin Talish J. A. S. B. 1907.
® Voyages of.—
2
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
Chittagong then in possession of the King of Arakan, 42000
slaves captured in the various districts of Bengal. After purchase
dng slaves from the Maghs either at Dianga or Pipli in Orissa,
the slaves were taken in ships for sale, "tied together through
holes in their palms and sustained by a daily allowance of dry
rice thrown to them carelessly as to birds”.'
"Many are the tales told of the fierceness and cruelty of
the robbers and how the whole countryside would tremble at
the cry of "the Magh ! the Magh !” that told of their approach.
Surprising the villagers in their homes or at the markets, they
would carry off men, women and children, holding some to
ransom and keeping the rest as slaves either to sell them to
the Portuguese of Goa or Oeylon and other places or forcibly
converting them in (sic) Christianity to train them up as rowers
in their own service.”^
The consternation created by the Magh raiders was so
great that normal life was parailysed, as in the Hooghly river
no one dared to sail downstream below the Magh Fort which
stood at the site of the Sibpur Botanical Gardien. The people
observed curfew, for lights could not be lighted or fires could
not be kindled for piieparing food, lest the maruaders detect
human habitation therefrom. Ladies even feared to put a light
below the sacred Tidsi Mmcha. Even bathing in the rivers
was given up.
Women were sometimes sold for marriage in other parts of
Bengal where it was difficult to secure brides in those days.
These wives were known as Bharar Meye, Bhara being a fleet of
boats, Meye meaning bride. There is a story current that
on a hot August noon, one such woman suddenly exclaimed that
it was an ideal day for drying skins and thus revealed her
caste.
Indian slaves were preferred by silave dealers. H.M.S.
Harwich when coming to India anchored at Cape Town. In its
Journal of 1745 it is recorded : "The work in a field and in the
house is performed by Malay slaves brought from Batavia of a.
' Manrique’s Travels.
® Noakhali District Gazetteer.
tresehennis cruel disposition often (tho* well treated) murdering^
their masters, mistress etc. Bat'slaves, if thejr must have, may
be procured from the coast of Malabar,f Cordmondel, Bengal
etc. of a mild and when well-used, are of fadthful disposition
altho’ not so capable of labour.*'
In the Journal of H. M. S. Harwich it is further recorded
of Coromondel—^**The natives seem to keep cockers as I have seen
them standing in rings round two cocks fighting with the
greatest eagerness and anxiety as if greatly concemed in the
result and I was told after having lost everything besides them
will stake their wives and children finally themselves for slaves."
In 1676 Streynsfaam Master wTote :—^"In Taimah stands
an old fort of mud walls which was built to prevent the incur¬
sions of the Arracaners, for it seems that they were so bold
that none durst inhabit lower down the river than this place,
the Arracaners usually taking the people of the shores to sell
them at Tiple tPiply)." Piply was at the mouth of the Subama-
rdcha. The Portuguese established here a port in 1699, for
prisoners brought by Arrakanese Magh pirates for sale. The
mart was washed away by the floods of the Subamarekha.
On the opposite side of thana Muckwa was the mud fort of
Metiaburz. In 1770 the English threw an iron chain acros's
the river to prevent the incursion of Magh pirates. The Thana
or Muckwa fort was, however, brick-built and demolished at
the time when the Sibpur Botanical Garden was established
in 1782. It was built by Bengal King AQaiiddin Hossein Shah
in the fifteenth century. His general Paragal Khan also drove
away the Arakanese from a part of Chittagong and established
himself at Paragalpur.
In Bast Bengal, with its big rivers and their tributaries,
the depredations were the worst and they went very far up
t According to Dr. Panikkar (Malabar and the Dutch by
K. M. Panikkar with foreword by Sir Evan Cotton 1981),
Malabar included the States of Travancore and Cochin. Cochin
Raja became.an ally and protege of the Portuguese in 1500, and
Cochin remained the head quarter of the Portuguese administratioir
in Kerala till 1668 when it fell to the Dutch. The Dutch held it
tin 1795. So the Dutch settlers had opportunity of importing
slaves from Malabar.
4
MAGH BAIDERS IN BENGAL
the rivers. The name of village Magtola on the old Bramhaputra
near Myrnensingdi town is a reminder of their far-flung depre¬
dation. Near about in Hosseinpur, the writer met in 1918, a
man named Titoo Sahib who claimed to be of Protuguese descent
but his features, dress and pursuit did not disclose any difference
from the ordinary cultivatoxis. He attended a Roman Catholic
Church near about where a priest came occasionally from Dacca
and his daughter was mamied to a man from tbe Punjab.
After alliance with Maghs the Portuguese "^marryed with
the natural bom women of the countrie” adopted native habits
and superstitions, and all the trace of Christianity that still
remained was due to the Elders who were elected to baptise
the children and celebrate marriages in the absence of a priest.
Most of the them are poor and are domestics or cultivators.
Th^ have given up inter-marriage with non-christians and
retain their old Portuguese names, though they have undergone
great changes in everyday speech e.g. Fernandez becomes
Foran, Manual Manu etc.
One instance of Magh depredation in 1663 is the carrying
off of a Prince of Bhusna (presmt Jessore-Khulna). He was
sold in Arakan to a Portuguese priest who educated the prince
and named him Dom Antonio Do Rozario.^ This prince wrote
in Bengali Brahman Roman Catholic Sambad which was printed
in Portugal in Roman alphabets. Their misdeeds have been
.forgotten, we only remember them by the expression Magher
Mnluk, which means a land without law, justice and order.
In Chittagong, which was in the occupation of the Maghs,
they have left innumerable relics, the most significant of which
is the Magh era» or the Maghi year according to which revenue
collection was made even in the early days of the EngHish. The
Magh year 1133 corresponds to EngHish year 1771-1772, i.e.
it begins from 638 A.D.
In Tippera district relics of Magh settlemmt are stiHl to
be found. **Tank8 long from east to west instead of from north
to south are called Mother Dighi are not uncommon in the
^ Dr. S. N. Sen's Brahman Catholic Samhad.
PBEVACE
5
Gentle and south of the district. A few Magh remains and
such names as P(^can and Dengu are theirs.*'^
In Chittagong district, according to the Census R^ort of
1981, the number returned as Buddhists under the name
Rajbangshis are actually Bengali Maghs.
In a Preface it is not possible to give details of theiir
depredations extending over several centuries and the ineffectual
measurese taken during the Pathan, the Mughal and the British
rules. Suffice it to say that the Arakanese fleet was more formid¬
able than the Nawara of the Mughal Empire, as has been
sarcastically put by Talish “whenever 100 ships of Bengal
sighted four, of the enemy, if the distance separating them was
great then the Bengal fleet showed courage by flight.” The
fear of the common people was only natural.
“In February 1717,” says the East Indian Chronicle of
1768, “the Maghs carried off from the most southern parts of
Bengal, 1800 men, women and tocdt them to the King of Arakan
who chose all the handicraftsmen and about a fourth of the rest
for himself and returned the rest to their capturers to be sold
into slavery.”
We find that the business of the Dacca Factory came to
a standstill as it ‘’suffered greatly from the depredation of the
Maghs” in 1748^ and it was with great difficulty that the
Dacca Factor could procure food for bare subsistence, so
tebrorised were the people owing to the incursion of the Maghs
‘that they did not stir out of their houses bringing supplies to
the Factory not to speak of carrying on their daily avocation. A
rough sample survey of five villages carried on at the instance of
Warren Hastings dn Chittagong for four years preoeeding 1772,
This I have discovered and sent for publication in the organ of
Indian Statistical Institute, it revealed that the birth rate was
lower than the death rate in three villages, so insidioudy the
birth “fertility” was affected by the terror of the Maghs.
^ Tippers Settlement Report.
Despatch to the Court of Directors dated 27tli January,
1749.
6
MAGH RAB>ERS IN BENGAL
Even as Hate as in 1778, Salt Contractors of Bhulua in
Noakhali District were granted “concessions on account of the
losses they had sustained on account of a Magh invasion.”
In the same year, 18 persons captured by the Maghs were
returned by the King of Arakan to the Chief of Chittagong.
Bernier says that “by their ravages large tracts were
d^populat^, there can be no doubt that the constant terror of
attack nurst have driven away settlers from the coast even if
tlK numbers killed and endaved were not sufficient to make so
great an impression.”
In Rennell’s map of 1771, the whole area of the Sunderbans
is shown as “depopulated by the Maghs” and in the same map
a number of forts are marked in Backergunj area of the
Sunderbans that “were held against the Muggs”.
The death rate exceeded the birth rate in some cases, as
revealed in the sample survey of 1772. This shows Chittagong
would have been gradually depopulated had not the Magh raids
been arrested by the conquest of Arakan by the Burmese.
Centuries of depredation by the Maghs had its effect on
the social and economic life of Bengal—“The Paradise of the
Kingdom” as the Mughal Emperors caflled it. The ravages of
the Bargis, Sannyasis and Fakirs were transient and not so
far<—reaching and insidious. Rural life was stilled into silence.
Social life was not exempt, and families from which
persons were abducted were stigmatised, so also families
purchasing Bharer Maye were lowered in society owing to
rigours of the caste system. To crown all Vire have the entire
area now known as the Sunderbans composed of many flourishing
tracts depopulated by the ravages of the Maghs.
Even religious practices were introduced by them. “Vultures,
(Sakuni) are revered as messengers of ]^aglia4esvii!^,
a Magh deity. A she-goat or duck is sacrificed and a portipn is
roasted and with the skin and feathers is exposed in a bamboo
basket. If no vultures are drawn to the offering, it is an omen
of evil and more sumptuous offerings are vowed to propitiate
the Goddess. The worship prevails only in the outskirts of
PREFACE
7
the distsict of Noakhali bordering on Hill Tippera and
Chittagong.”^
i
The Maghs met with retribution when the Burmese invaded
Arakan. The subjugation of Arakan in 1786 by the Burmese
was accompanied by merciless decimation of the conquered
populace. “The Burmese General seized as many of the
inhabitants as he could lay his hands on and separating the men
from women put the former to death and sent the women to
Burma proper”.^
The punishment of the Burmese was terrible and it was
stated that they uprooted eyes of prisoners before flaying them
alive and left them ti<ll death relieved them of their suffering.
Naming of deities after place names is common
amongst Hindus, just as Jasareswari established by Pratapaditya
and Mallaswari by the Maila kings of Vishnupur. As regards
^e conception of Maghadeswari worshipped by the Maghs,
1 made enquiries amongst the learned Pandits but nobody could
give any idea of the image and of its admission in the Hindu
Pantheon. Our may visualise MagadheswanI with a garland of
human heads as also holding some human heads in the fashion
of head hunters. This Preface is after all a Prelude giving a
Resume to arouse interest of readers in a subject little known.
It has been aptly called a “Forgotten Chapter of Bengal's
history”, and is an amplification of an article published in the
Hindustan Standard*
* Noakhali District Gazetteer.
^ Board of Revenue Cons. 20th Feb.^ 1786.
INTRODUCTION
The Uong line of sea-coast of Bengal extending from
Chittagong to Balasore had been a source of strength and
weakness. In the pvistine days of Buddhist and Hindu rule,
it enabled Bengal to send sea-going vessels from its ports to
colonise Ceylon and eastern countries beyond the seas as far
as Sumatra and Java with message of Buddhist faith and
culture. Immense trade was carried on by BengsJ not only
with other coastall regions of India but to other countries both
in the east and in the west. These have been fu41y told in
that admirable book on **Hi8tory of Indian Shipping** by
Prof. R. K. Mukherjee. Dr. Nihar Ranjan Roy has tmly
described in his Brcmhinical Gods of Burma ‘Arakan now in
Burma is more a frontier province of Eastern India than a
province of Burma’. But with the fall of Hindu Empire, Bengal
became a prey to foreign aggression, Chittagong or Catigan, the
Porto Grande of the Portuguese, was the main sea-port and the
target for occupation, while Sandwip was the jumping-off
ground for occupation of Chittagong by the Mughals. The tale
of Chittagong is told here while that of Sandwip will be
dealt with in a separate chapter.
As regards West Bengal, the only way of entry from the
sea was near Sagar Island. The present Hooghly River was
the only means of communication from there to West Bengali.
As has been told before, Hussain Shah built a fort to prevent
incursion of Maghs. It is stated that in *the pristine days
of the Mughals, Shaista Khan, constructed a Fort at the mouth
of the Rupnarian to repel the Maghs from going up the river.
There is a village named Chakraberer Garh at the mouth of
this river, known to the sailors as Rogue’s River. The Hijli
Foi*t under Masnad-i-Ala was probably at this site.
When the Maghs were strengthened by their alliance with
the Portuguese pirates and slave-traders, Kasim Khan the
Viceroy of Shah Jehan took the wise step of driving the
Portuguese from their Bandel or trading centre on the HoogMy
river, where they had established themseflves under a Firman
INTBODUCnON
obtained from Akbar. The plea was that they had sold Bengal
slaves to Maghs for their galleys/t This was a dipl<Hnatic step>
although other European nations were equally guilty of piracy
and slave trade but action was taken only against the Portuguese.
Had not the Portuguese been thawarted at that time, they would^
have established th^nselves firmly in Bengal as on the west
coast with what result it is easy to surmise. Even before this,.
Jehangir did not look with favour the growing influence of the-
Portuguese on the west coast and received Sir Thomas Roe-
envoy of the English with cordiality.
Bengal, the land of rivers, was infested by pirates from-
time immemorial. In a Charjorgiti, (more than a thousand"'
years old) of Buddhist monks discovered by Mahamohapadhyai
Haraprasad Sastri in Nepal, we find reference to river pirates.
A free English translation of a song as rendered in modern
Bengali by Dr. Sukumar Sen is given below ;—
“The Baj-boat (is it Bajra boat ?) after crossing (the
river) sailed through Padma Khal, the merciless Dangalia
lidver-pirate) plundered the country, today you Bhusuk
(the poet) has become a Bengalee, your own wife has
been taken away by Chandal. Five Patans were burned,
the riches of Indra were destroyed, I do not know where
my heart mitered. No gold or silver was left to me.
Whatever may be the hidden meaning, its plain meaning shows
the devastation made by pirates including kidnapping of women
and loss of caste.
Two lines of the above verse as in original is given-
below :—
«rff^ I
II
It has been established that these songs were of 10th or
11th centuries and the language is Bengali. As a matter of
fact, in the 10th and 11th centuries, Oriya, Pubi Hindi (for
escample Bhojpuri, Maghi Maithili) were regarded as being
other forms of the Bengali. This fits in with the claim that
the Buddhists from Bengal and Maghad migrated to Arakan in
the tmith century.
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
10
The stories in Mvrnemiv^h-Gitika are replete with stories
■of river-dacoits who infested “from the Garo Hills to the sea
^n the south washed by the rivers Dhanu, Kanjfsha and was
full of bils and haors which was infested by dacoits.”*
To those who are enraptured by the sweet melodious songs
of M'^mensingh Gitika, I may say that I have enjoyed these
songs sung by a helmsman in a boat sailing downstream on a
moonlit night, and felt that this was indeed the land of birth of
Narayandeb and Chandrabati. On the other hand, I have seen the
river police outposts in these vast expanses of hoars, keeping
ineffectral check over the movements of dacoits declared as
^Criminal tribes’ under the Code of Criminal Procedure, then
my imagination was roused to the days when dacoits and Magh
pirates committed unbelievable atrocities on boat passengers
going about in these haors. Tnuely in a popular novel, a
•convict escaping to these area says that Bhati is an ajabdesh
(unique area).
The JcUiar haor is no less awe-inspiring than the dense
forest of Biswati on the Mymensingh-Sylhet border where the
members of Mymensingh Suhrid Samity (a revolutionary
■society) practised revolver, shooting in the ruins of a two storied
-building of the dacoits. On the upper story was the image of
Goddess Kali whom they worshipped before starting for
•comitting dacoity.
These lands of haors and bUs are known as Bhati^ literally
.meaning the lower reaches of the rivers, which flow from Garo,
Khasi, Jaintia and Tripura hills. Boro paddy is the only crop
which keeps a cultivator engaged for 4 months in a year. By
crop cutting experiment I found in a land of good growth
40 maunds of boro paddy per acre. During the rains, the people
are cooped up in their houses on raised grounds. In night
.journeys, I have found snakes dropping from trees by being
brushed by the boat not unlike the experience of Indranath
in Sarat Chandra’s novel. Once I had to spend a whole night
on a bed with Daraj snakes stretching at full length outside.
* Bangabliasa-o-Sahitya.
^ Blochman’s History and Gec^aphy of Bengal J. A. S. B.
1878.
INTRODUCTION
11
Side l)y aide with theeq unuBual discomforts, there is
unbelievable abundance of fish and milk in the dry season. In
aome revenue paying units or estates in these areas of
Mymensmgh district, 1 have found the entire assessed r€venue is
based on jfiUcar (fishery) assets only without any ‘‘occupied
.area" of land^. Fish is so much in abundance that the whole
atmosphere is charged wdth the stench of drying fish in kholaa
(places where fish is dried) and sticks to one’s nose. A Munsiff
Asst. Settlement Officer—a new-comer was so much oppressed
by the smell that he had his milk boiled with Tejpatra. In a
playful mood, I once picked up a whole tota-i\x\\ of kai fish from
a shallow land over which they were swimming upstream.
During night, the whole area is resounded with splashing of
oars of boats going to the various markets or railway stations.
As regards milk, suffice lit to say that the famous Dacca cheese
comes from bathans of buffaloes herded in chars of the Meghna
river. All these are experiences of 40 years back.
Mymensingh border land—a debatable land where races
.and interests meet and sometimes clash has a vivid life which
often takes on spontaneous expression. And the Mymensingh
awamps and spreading rivers a refuge to struggling independence
a region where Bengal and Assam, Aryan and Mongolian meet
and merge have sheltered through the centuries much more than
moving and beautiful stories. A great deal of Bengal’s forgotten
and neglected history lies hidden in these ballads. (From a
review of Eastern Bengal Ballads in the Times Literary
Supplement of 7th August 1924.)
It is, therefore, natural that the people of the locality
are fearless, hardy and desperate by nature and furnished war-
boats of the Ipiperial Nawara with crews and Golandazas as will
be seen later on.
Duriiig the middle of the tenth century a Mahomodan
kingdom under a Sultan was established whose authority
•extended probably from the eastern bank of the Meghna to
sea-side on the north of the Naff river, f
^ Baden Powell’s Land System.
t Bengali literature in the Court of Arakan. This would be
the area covered by the present districts of Chittagong, Noakhali
and Tippera.
12
MA6H RAIDEBS IN BENGAL
On the authority of the Journal of Asiatic Society of
Bengal Vol. XIII, page S€, it is stated that in 953 A.D., the
King of Arakan led an expedition to Bengal and d^eated the
Sultan and erected a victory-stone at Chittagong which means
“it is wrong to go to war“.
As stated before, Paragal Khan general of Hussain Shah
after driving away the Maghs from Chittagong, established the
viHage Paragalpur on the Feni river after his name. His
descendents are still living in the village. Paragal's son Chhuti
Khan was also a great patron of learning like his father and
under his orders Srikar Nandi compiUed a translation of Aswa-
medh J<bgna; in this book it is written about the prowess of
Chhuti Khan was such that for fear of him Raja of Tripura
left the country and entered the hills.*
At all times Eastern Bengal owing to its remoteness and
inaccessibility as a safe place for refugees there was a
compact block of Buddhist states in Tippera, Noakhali^
Chittagong and Arakan. It Seems that Paragal Khan succeeded
in establishing his authority only over a limited area, round
above Paragalpur, and it appears that before the beginning of
the sixteenth century, there was at Chakrashala withinr
Chittagong a Magh King named Raja Jaychandra whose court
poet Bhowaninath composed a poem named Lakshan Digbijoy.
This view of Mr. Bhattaeharjrya is not substantiated by
Dr. D. C. Sen according to whom Bhowanidas lived near
Nabadwip. Possibly Mr. Bhattacharyya is correct as R seems
there was a competitive atmosphere for poets an Chittagong,.
Tippera and Assam. In Patikura, there was a small kingdom
during Buddhist period and the Raja had' marriage alliance
with the King of Arakan. A sixteen headed image of
Buddhist goddess Chunda was discovered in this area.t Patikura
was a small pargana on the south of Tippera district and
was held by Zemindars during the British period who claimed
Kinship with Raja of Tippera but converted to Islam.
As a summary of the earlier events regarding the
happenings in Chittagong the following extract from the
* Bangabhasa-O-Sidiitya.
t History of Bengal Vol. I.
INTRODUCTION
13
Noakhali Setlement Report will be interesting although these
are some obvious mistakes :—
*'Even before the Mahomedans established themseAves at
Dacca, Noakhali became the jumpdng-off place for their attacks
on Chittagong and the Arracanese and the first part of their
dominion to be harried whrai the latter tried to turn the tables
upon them. Muhammed Tugrail (A.D. 1279) was the first
Muhammedan to make his power felt on the east of the Meghna.
’Samsttddm, the Governor of Sonargaon in 1347 defeated Raja
Pratap Manikya of Tippera and conquered Chittagong. It
relapsed almost immediatdy to Arakanese and for the next
three centuries it was taken or retaken several times by
■each of the three parties the Muhammedan Governor of
.Sonargaon, the Raja of Tippera and the king of Arakan.”^
In the Rajmala of Tripura there are interesting accounts
of the struggle, in some of which the Raja of Tripura got
possession of Chittagong. Thus in 1513, Raja Dhanya Maniikya
(1490-1526) defeating the forces of Gaur Sultan Hussain Shah
^ Rabindranath's novel Bajarshi relates to one of these
periods in the seventeenth century^ as it is mentioned that the King
died in 1689 A.D. when tlie King of Arakan was in possessicm of
Chittagong. King Gobinda Manikya of Tripura after abdication of
his throne stayed on the bank of the hill-stream Miani in Chittagong
Hill Tracts. His subsequent stay in the plains was in a Fort of
Arakan Raja near Ramu which is close to presoit-day town of
Cox’s Bazar. Historians, say that the fate of Shah Suja and his
family after their arrival in Arakan is not known. But
Rabindranath’s statement that Suja and two daughters were killed
and the youngest daughter married to the Raja of Arakan is
home out in a Bengali book written in Arakan Court which hints
at the disagreement of Suja with the Raja, the outcome can be
easily surmised. There is Sujah Masj id in Camilla town as
mentioned in Rajarshi.
Rabindranath acknowledged the help he received from
Maharaja Birchandra Manikya at various times specially at the
time of the writing Rajarshi the Raja got printed the Sanskrit
texts from Rajmala and sent them to Rabindranath. From those,
lie had the true history of Govinda Manikya.
■ T
14
MAGH BAIDEBS IN BENGAL
struck Mohurs or gold coins in his name in 1435 Saka year
declaring the victory and possesaion of Chittagong by him. But
he did not rest here but proceeded to conquer Arakan and here
we get mention of the name Rosung
*15^ fir»T ii
Seeing the army of Tripura, the Maghs fled and friendship
between Maghs and Feringis began. During the reign of
Amar Manikya (1577-1586), in 1586 the king of Arakan
Sekender Shah (there were three names of Arakan Kings viz :—
Maghi, Pali and Persian) defeated Amar Manikya and took
possession of Udaypur, the capital. Amar Manikya committed
suicide. We find mention of Feringis (Portuguese) in Tripura
army and also the Maghs making alliance with them. Upto the
last moment, Amar Manikya did not surrender Adam Shah of
Arakan who had taken asylum in Tripura. The defeat is recorded
thus in Rajamala thus :—
^rrf^ H
In all times Tripura had conquered Maghad but in Amar
Manikya*^ time Tripura was defeated. After this defeat of
the Raja of Tripura, the kings of Arakan became firmly estab¬
lished in Chittagong. The unsuccesful attempt of Islam Khan
and of the subsequent Viceroy Ibrahim Khan has been detailed
in Baharistan^. On the other hand after the subjugation of
Bhuiyas, like Pratapaditya, Kedar Roy, Isa Khan, there was
nobody to resist. Selim Khan, the King of Arakan became very
powerful. He had eleven wives. He married the daughter of the
ruler of Chittagong as also the daughter of Tripura King and
most strange of all, he married the beautiful sister of Ratta Rai
of SripuF.
(^ ) I
^ History of Bengal Vol. II p. 270. It was <Mily after the
Arakan King had threatened Dacca that Ibrahim Khan offered
resistance pp. 802-808.
INTRODUCTION
IS
If the above stories of alliances be true, then it is quite
believable that the King of Arakan and Kedar Rai of Sripur
jointly attacked Saptagram in West Bengal as mentioned in the
Ain Akbari. This historical (information has been discovered'
by Mr. Dinesh Chandra Bhattacharyya from the New History of
Arakan written by Chhanda Malalamkar and published in the
Burmese year 1293.^
Such marriage alliance was not uncommon in those days.
Sir Aleicander Mackenzie in his Mt'morandum on the North
EcbStem Frontier of Bengal, 1869, mentions of a Bramhin Raj
Famlily giving in marriage a daughter to the Headman of a
hill-tribe apparently to buy peace. But this did not degrade
the family.
Again continuing from the Settlement Report ;—
"The Ain-i-Akbari (1587 A.D.) shows that Chittagong was
in Muhammadan hands but the revenue of the district was almost
entirely from the town and port. The Muhammadans had not
strong enough hold^to be able to assess land revenue outside-
the immediate neighbourhood of the town. It was taken almost
immediately by the Aracanese and then began long struggle
between the Maghs and the Muhammadans in which the
Portuguese pirates of Sandwip by throwing themselves in one
side or the other were able to hoild for a time the balance of
power. Muhammadan power was firmly established only after
the final conquest of Chittagong by Isa Khan(?) in 1666.
The incursions of the Maghs continued for another century.
Parts of the Delta specially in Bakergunj were more or less
deserted on account of their ravages."
In the above extract, Isa Khan, the leader of the Bhuiyas,
is mentioned wrongly instead of Buzrukumed Khan the general
of Aurangzebe. For 'some years after the conquest of Chittagong
from the Maghs no revenue had been realised and had been in
fact a financial burden on the Dacca Government, justified
presumably by its position as a buffer province at the time when
Dacca itjj^elf was threatened by Magh raiders.
^ Banglar Magh Douraiyer Biharm, by D. C. Bhattacharyva^
in Prabasi 1353 B.S.
16
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
As local resources were devdoped, the contribution paid
by Dacca for its defence gradually decreased but annual
payment of Rs. 49,421 on account of land defence and of
Rs. 18,000 on account of navail defence were still being made
by Dacca to Chittagong at the time when Chittagong was ceded
by Mir Kasim to the English.
Vertlst and his Council took the earliest opportunity of
■establishing friendly relation with the ruler of Arakan. Al¬
though commercial possibilities were given as the foremost
■consideration but further reason urged was “that a connection
with that country by friendship and correspondence were for
putting a stop to inroads of the Mugs—the annual invaders of
this country”.
The raiders continued to come and ravage Bengal as has
been yd before.
CHAPTER I
THE MAGHS
In the New Standard Dictionary published by the
Statesman we have :—^Magh (Bengali)—^name commonly applied
to inhabitants of Arakan particularly those living near the
Bengal district of Chittagong. They are often employed as
eooks.
Arakan—Division of Lower Burma. Capital Akyab. Ancient
capital Arakan in ruin. Grows rice, Tobacco and Timber 18640
sq. miles in area.
Whether the word Magh is of Bengali origin is not
known but certainly it is not a Burmese word. There seems
to be some truth in the word being derived from
Maghad. The application of the word being restricted to
inhabitants on Bengal border shows that the peopfle living further
away do not like to be called Maghs. On the other hand, the
Arakan Maghs are akin to the Chittagong Maghs who have
retained much of their characteristics even after migration to
India. The long association as a matter of fact, occupation
of Chittagong by the Arakanese have left many marks
in Chittagong and adjacent areas of Tippera, as have
heen told in the Preface but the most remarkable
in the revenue administration is the system of sun’^ey known
is the maghi jarip* Even as late as 1835-1837, a plane
table survey under the Maghi system was undertaken of a
block of villages in Anwara. The Settlement Officer of
Tippera in 1918 remarked that on a comparison with the
cadastral maps prepared by the Settlements Department th^ were
found “to be very clo®e”.
Now who were these Maghs ? On the authority of
Phayre (History of Burma, 1883), the joint Authors (Dr. Huq.
and Mr. Abdul Karim) of the book “Bengali literature in
Arakan Court” assert that it is wrong to call the Mongloid
Arakanese Maghs and state that the word Magh is derived
2
18
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
from Maghad from which their ancestors came. The authors
state that while some Arakanese and the Rajbangshis living
in the southern part of the Chittagong district should be
properly, called Maghs, it will be wrong to call the Mongoloid
Arakanese ’Maghs, who by association have been known as
Maghs. In the description of the Arakanese king Sri Sudharma
by the Muslim poet Alwal, it is stated that the king belonged
to Maghad dynasty with Buddhist religion.
“There is no doubt” states Elliot, “that the intercourse
between the east coast of the Bay of Bengal and the Straits
of Malacca was far greater in ancient times. It had attained
its height when the Buddhist were in ascendent i.e. during the
fifth and sixth centuries.”
The first great Buddhistic persecution drove a great
number of victims to the opposite coast.*
Sankaracharjyat the great Hindu revivalist who flourished
in the eighth century, rehabilitated the worship of Hindu deities
who had suffered at the hands of the Buddhists and atheists.
He travelled far and carried on dialectics in different countries.
He defeated the learned men of Nepal by his arguments. He
compelled the Buddhists to sacrifice animals and nuns and monks
were married by his direction.!
Bengali fugitives from the Tibetan conquest of Bengal in
the eighth century and during the 9th and later centuries
withdrew to Java from a land where their religion was no
longer honoured.! This is certain that Buddhist refugees from
Bengali crossed over to the nearest place viz. Arakan, where
they could preserve their religion. Mahamohapadhaya Kara
Prasad Sastri in his Introduction to N. N. Vasu’s Modem
Buddhism and its. followers in Orissa, states that during the
reign of Ballal Sen the Buddhists in Bengal suffered great
persecution.
It may, therefore, be fairly taken Hiat the Kings of
Arakan belonged to a different race than the raiders, who were
given the same name namely Maghs as that of the ruling tribe..
* Phayer’s ''History of Pegu**.
t Wright’s Nepal,
t Bombay Gazetteer.
THE KAGHB
19
In the Census Reiport «f 1981, we find as ftdiows :—^“The
term Magh is ordinarily applied to two distiaet groups viz. a
Chittagonian Buddhist j^oup and the Arakan Maghs of Chitta¬
gong Hill Tracts and Chittagimg. The Bengali speaking
Chittagonian Maghs petitioned for the use of a distinct name.
The claim of this caste is to Kshatriya status and they trace
their descent from the Buddhists of Magadha who are
alleged to have migrated from their old houses on the revival
of Brahmanism and the advent of the Mughals. Risely dis¬
tinguished this as “Marmagri'" Maghs and the Arakanese as
**Jumia, Roang and Rakhaing’\ but the group speaks Bengali and
a Burmese description of this kind is not used among themselves
and suggests a Burmese source." "The Rajbangshis in
Chittagong** adds the Report "are actually Bengali Maghs."
From a Note on a tour in Chittagong Hill Tracts in 1926
by Mr. J, P. Mills, I.C.S., afterwards Honorary Director of
Anthropography, Assam, the following information about the
Maghs is extracted :—
They are almost certainly of Tai origin, their ancestors
being Tai Long (Greater Tai) who were driven out of China
towards the south and the south-west.* The earlieat home of
of which they have any definite traditions is Arakan, whence
they early migrated in the 17th century into what is now
Cox’s Bazar Sub-division. Some migrated further into Bengal.
Their migration did not stop till early in the 19th century. I
saw no village which is not in the bank of a stream.
"Though the Maghs are now Buddhists they admit that
they were once head hunters. OnQy the memory of those days
remain. They say that after the heads were brought in
they were welcomed by the women and were then buried.
"The language is Arakanese, a dialect of Burma, Burmese
character are used. In figure the Maghs are stout and strong
and sturdy. The face is broad and rather Mongolian and the
complexion a sallow brown. The men have usually a straggling
moustache and occasicmally a beard.
*Vide Lc May **An Attian Aroady**.
20
UAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
'The Maghs now a days have no weapons save guns and
daos. Tradition definitdy states however that they used to have
both cross-bows and upright bows as well as spears. 1 was also
shown an ancient square leather shield.
"The official religion is Buddhism.
"The name 'Chakma' is derived from the Maghi word
^Chaok* meaning a mixed origin."
In the note on Maghs of Cox*s Bazar sub-division by
Rai Sahib Bipin Behari Rakshit it is stated as follows :—
"The Maghs have very little contact with the people of
other religion. They live seduded among themselves. They are
very conservative in manners and habits, and are still unin¬
fluenced by Western civiHisation. The males often take to trading
and brokery. The poor Maghs fish in the sea and live on
fishing... .Most of the Maghs, male and female learn Maghi
language_They distrust other communities and resent out¬
siders* meddling with their affairs.'*
From the extracts it would appear that the Arakan Maghs
who carried on raids were of the same type as is found in
Chittagong Hill Tracts and in south Chittagong. They are
a good sample of the randms as they have not changed much
being conservative and exclusive. On the other hand the Arakan
Maghs have succumbed to the Burmese influence after Arakan
was conquered and have lost their characteristics. As a matter
of fact, 1 am told by a gentleman long resident in Burma, that
people in Burma resent being called Magh, although some hail
from Arakan.
So, to know about the raiding Maghs, the* extracts and
the Appendices are certainly useful. That more than one lac
of people in the districts of Chittagong, Chittagong Hill Tracts,
Backerganj, and Tipperah still speak Arakanese language instead
of Bengali or Burmese shows that they have retained their
primitive language. The conclusion is that the Maghs may be Tais
from China who settled in the hilly areas of Arakan and the
present-day Maghs who migrated to Cox's Bazar Sub-division
and Chittagong Hill Tracts in the eighteenth century belong to
the same stock. These Maghs being an exclusive race, have
THE MAGHS
31
retained their characteristics even to this day. They live in
Chittagong and iits Arakan bprdeie as motioned in the
Bictionaiy. The only Maghs in India live in the State of
Tripura where they migrated along with these Maghs.
As regards the Buddhist migrants from Bengal, they
settled in the pHains below the hills known as Morung and set up
kingdom of their own to which the hill dwellers owed allegiiiance.
The Bengali emigrants assumed the name of Magh claiming to
come from Maghad which in its pristine days included Bragal
from which these settlers migrated. Naturally understood
the Bengali language although the script was Persian used by
Muslim writers so they favoured Bengali Muslim poets. The Hill
tribes assumed the name of Magh, the name of their rulers
in the plains. After Burmese conquest of Arakan both had to
adopt the custom and language of the Burmese and so one can
not form any idea of raiding Maghs from present day Arakanese.
As regards Rosung by which name the Muslim Bengali poets
called Arakan, it is probably derived from one tribal name viz.
Roang, given in Risley^s note.
Only 75 years ago (1885) there appeared the following news
item in the Statesman :—
The most extraordinary excitement prevails at Akyab oh
account of the self-sacrifice of a Phoongyee on the night of the
7th instant. The said Phoongyee bore the title of Tai-Za-
Wonda, and was the inheritor of the monastery of the late
Thinkaraja, the most reverend priest of Akyab.
Mr. D. L. Banerjee, Asst. Librarian, National Library has
kindly given the following interpretation of Tai-Za-Wonda.
“It is a perverted form of the Pali word “Tejavanta**
corresponding to the Sanskrit word “Tejavantah” meaning the
**powerful” (spritually). It may also mean “luminous*’ or those
endowed with a spiritual hallow”.
This shows that the Arakanese still used Pali—the
language of their forefathers from India.
The similarity in the names of the Kings of Arakan like
Sudharma etc with the names of the Rajas of Tripura as given
22
MAGH BAiDBBS IN BENGAL
it Baftnaki is a pointer to the affinity of Arakan Kings with
India rather than wiilii Burma. Rosung, the name for Arakan*
also appears in Rojpmaki.
We have stated before the existence of Budffiiist princi¬
palities in the ISth asid 16th centuries. Lama Taranath records
tile existence of a Chandra dynasty in Eastern Bengal about
sixtii to eight centuries.^ The traditional account of the names
of Chandra Kings of Arakan fr(Hn A. D. 783 to 967 as preserved
in the later dironides is given by Fhaytr.^ It is possible to
connect these fads and come to the conclusion that the Chandra
dynasty of Eastern Bengal migrated to Arakan and become
Kings there.
As has been stated in the Preface, their deity is
htaghadeswari which is a pointer to the origin of their
forefathers from Maghadha but the propitiation of the deity by
invoking vultures who are said to be the carriers (bakcm) of
the deity point to their head hunting origin, being Tais coming
from China. The Magh era is the same as the Burmese era
as stated in Cunningham’s Book on Indian Eras. As regards
the Burmese Common era it is noted therein that the initial point
of the Era is 636 A.D. introduced from India. It is not known
what event is commemorated by the era, possibly their great
migration in the seventh century which drove away the
Buddhists from India where their religion was no longer
honoured.
' With all respect to Dr. Cunningham, his view requires
revision.
*
’’The Burmese Common Era is the same as the Indian
Saka. ”160 years Indian Calendar” by Jatbabhai**.
“The Maghi era prevails in Chittagong. It is the vulgar
Burmese era called Saldcaraj introduced into Chittagong after
its conquest in the 9th Centuxy by the Arakanese a class
wliom were called Maghs. It is used with the Bengali solar
calendar. The Maehi yesr 1262 began in 1900 A.D. (Jethabhai}.
^ History of Bmgai Vol. 1 by Dr. R. C. Majumdar.
^ Pfaayer’s MxHory of Bnrmm p. 48.
THE MAGHS
28
The Maghi year thus being 638 years behind the Christian
•era.
But this does not solve the question when Maghi era or
Sakkaraj was first introduced in India or in Arakan.
It seems that the present-day Maghs now in Eastern
Pakistan excepting, perhaps, the few who call themselves
Rajibangshis are migrants from Arakan.
The Emperors Alaungpaya (1762-1760) and Bodadpaya
(1782-1819) of Ava brought their country under control and
prominence by conquering the kingdom of Pegu from the
Siamese (1760) and Arakan (1784-1785). Ava thus became a
maritime State extending from the Naaf river on Chittagong
border to Keda in Malay States. The ravages of the Marhatta
Cavalry! were trifling dn comparison with the desolati on that
followed the progress of the Burmese army-.
In 1785, the Burmese completed the conquest of Arakan
The frontier disputes which led to the Burmese War. of 1825
immediately began. In March 1785, the Collector of
Chittagong Mr. James Irwin received a letter from the
Burmese General Commanding in Arakan demanding surrender
of two fugitives who had taken refuge in Chittagong. The (letter
was sent to the Acting Governor-General, who ordered the
Collector to inform the Burmese Gieneral that the British
Government had never acted on the principle of surrendering
political refugees that no departure from the established practice
can be made^. The ruthless cruelties on the Arakanese prisoners
has already been told. Those who were able to escape from
the invading army fled across the frontier and sought asylum in
Chittagong district. The Collector who was not opposed to their
coming and hoped that these refugees would settle down and
bring under cudtivation the large tract of waste lands. In
1786, the Collector was informed that the Burmese troops have
crossed the Naaf river in pursuit of Arakan fugitives. The
! Maharashtra Puran.
® Bengal Pub. Cons. 9 Oct., 1786.
^Bengal Secret Cons. 17 March, 1785.
24
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
Burmese General demanded the surrender of two Arakanese-
Chiefs. Later the Burmese Gmeral moved on. The next
Collector, Bird was not favourably disposed to Arakan refugees
“who had infested the country for some years past with
impunity". Since these people continued to plunder frontier
villages on both sides of the border, the Collector signified his
intention of informing, the Burmese Grenerall that he would
send a force to subjugate them. It was evident that in Chittagong
some of the refugees were abusing the hospitality of asylum
and using Chittagong as jumping-off ground to raids in
Arakan. The Collector stated—“We have reason to suppose
that the Burmese are particularly anxious to get in their hand the
persons who were of some consequence in that country previous
to its conquest, and who appear still to meditate a resumption
of rights by the wish they always expressed to be permitted
to reside near the Naaf.” “It is evident that these refugees
never had an idea of settling themselves peaceably within
Company’s territories having refused the indulgence offered them
of lands to cultivate in Maseal and other, places instantly retired
to the hills or. jungles contiguous to Naaf river as least
suiting their convenience of plundering the district'. One of the-
refugee Sirders who had been arrested by a Zemindar, on a
charge of plundeiing was prosecuted at the Faujdari Adalat
at Chittagong.
The number of Arakanese refugees rose to 4000. They
made predatory raids in Burmese territory driving into
Chittagong hundreds of buffaloes and cattle belonging to the
Burmese. After long parleys and reference to higher
authorities one of the Arakanese was handed over to the
Burmese. The treatment of prisoners by the Burmese has
already been told. They flayed alive the prisoners. The
Burmese Government further asked for the surrender of all the
refugees who had migrated. Sir John Shore pointed out that
this involved people who had been in Chittagong for more them
12 years and opposed it. Thus ends the story of raiding Maghs
from Arakan turned into refugees in the very land they raided,,
keeping themselves aloof from all external influences.
' Bengal Secret letter to Court 16 Aug., 1787.
THE MAGHS
25
The flow of refugees from Arakan continued unabated
owing to the oppression of the Burmese and strained relation
continued between the English and the Burmese. In 1799,
Lord Mornington decided to send an envoy to Arakan to
explain to the Burmese Government the precise situation of
thousands of Arakanese fugitives in the Company's territory.
Captain Cox who was in Burma was ordered to go to Chittagong
to supervise relief measures and to settle them on the land.
We have reference in the correspondence from 1801 to 1805 to-
the Court of Directots about the emigrants from Burma. The
first Burmese War and the treaty at its conclusion are matters
of history. Possibly, this state of things continued till Arakan
was ceded to the Company by tne Burmese in 1826.
In the meantime, the Arakanese in Arakan seem to abjure
their language, dress, manners and custom under Burmese
influence.
In a Bengali novel on Arakan it has been depicted that
the Arakanese use the Maghi language as a secret dialect
amongst themselves and for revolutionary purposes.
It will, therefore, be sicen that the Maghs in Arakan
changed their character since 1785 when they came under the
Burmese rule and after that under, the British rule.
On a consideration of all that have been stated before.
One proposition comes out quite logically viz. All Arakanese
are not Maghs, nor all Maghs Arakanese.
CHAPTER II
BHARER MEYE AND MAGH-TAINTED FAMILIES
In the Preface, there is mention of Sharer Meye who were
"Bold in Ben^ral by the Maghs and other slave-dealers, and who
passed them off as unmarried Brahmin girls and there was no
scrutiny as to their real caste owing to the dearth of brides
amongst . Bangshaja and srotria Brahmins. They were
purchased for marriage by them. The cause of paucity of brides
is deep-rooted and may be traced to Kulinism, water-tight
marriage restrictions and the like. Just as restrictive legis¬
lations frustrate their own purpose so restrictions in marriages,
frustrated the various rigorous injunctions of the Hindu
Society. We have, for. instance, the Pwoli Bramhins, who were
said to have been outcasted for having smelt the odour of
forbidden food, with the result that a large section of influential
and wel'I-to-do members were lost to the orthodox community,
whereas the excommunicated portion drew in its fold others
from the society. It seems that there were cases of re-admission
to caste, and curiously enough the East India Company
promulgated a Regu‘lation in 1769 prescribing a fine (nazar)
to be paid to the Government on restoration to caste.
Nor were these caste restrictions confined to Bramhins
alone. The rigidity with whi ch the caste restrictions of Ballal
Sen was observed in the sixteenth century is illustrated in the
family history of the author himself as given in Dr. D. C. Sen's
Bangabhasa^o-Sahity.
"Poet Rupnarain was more eminent than Bhawaniprasad
(both authors of Chandimangal). During the revolution in
Jessore after Pratapaditya's defeat by Man Singh, two brothers
Baninath and Jagaxinath left thei r home (in Jessore) and arrived
at Amdala in Manikgunj (Dacca District). The zemindar of the
village—one belonging to Kar family of inferior status welcomed
the two brothers very cordially and proposed their mairiage
ivith his two daughters. They did not agree to the proposal
BHABER MEYE AND MAOH-TAINTBD FAMILIES 27
•and fled away. Baninaih being caught was thrown in the Pudma,
Even before his death, the Kar proposed marriage but be like a
hero died in the currents of the Pudma saying that the family
will be saved from extinction by Jagannath. This Ballaii hero's
^younger brother on the temptation of receiving large dowry
married the daughter of Jadabendra Roy of Bafla (Tangail
Subdivision) in Mymensingh district and was established in
village Adajan" (washed away by the Jamuna and reformed).
The family is stiill known as Ghoshes of Adajan. Rupnarain
the poet was the son of Jagminath. This waS' in the closing
.years of the sixteenth century. With such restrictive prejudices,
it is no wonder that contact with Maghs in any form would be
severely banned. It is owing to Ballal Sen's persecution that
many Buddhists left their houses and migrated to Eastern
countries like Arakan.
The powerful amongst the breakers of social mandate
disregarded the injunctions and formed a clan or pathi by
bringing in their fold others who courted their favour. In that
treatise on the manners and customs named Sambanda Nimaya
by Pandit Lalmohan Bidyanidhi, there is a verse telling that
Prachanda Bhaduri (a Kulin amongst the Barendra
Bramhins) being appointed Dewan married a Rohfla girl, who
had two sons by this marriage named Chand and Hari. After
coming to the husband’s house, the lady declared boldly that
she was a Rohila. We now find amongst Barendra Bramhins,
a clan (paihi) named Rohila pathi, which it is stated is
considered lower than the members of other seven pathiet^
Maharajas of Nator and Susang are known as Nayak strotie
and leaders of the eight pathis and could make marriage aHiance
with any bride of any of these pathis. Similarly there were
mel restriction amongst Rarhis. These are now past stories
•and arc mentioned to show the rigidity of Hindu caste system.
In that book, another verse tells that inspite, of the known
fact that Gauri had been polluted by Javama her dmighter was
marriied by Kirti Chatto (Chatterjee).
Now coming to the polygamous practices of Rahri
Bramhins, we have instances of a Kulin marrying all the
unmarried giz9s of the same family varsring in age from
28,
MAGH BAIDEBS IN BENGAL
thirty to eight to preserve the kulinism of the family. There are
instances when an old Kulin about to die and carried to the
river for mtarj^iiii marrying girls to be widowed after a few
hours.
In a newspaper of 1839 there is news that in the village
Bally (western end of the Vivekananda bridge) a kulin died
leaving 100 wives. Bally is still a prosperous village and there
are many inhabitants who are descendents of Kulin Brahmins
who migrated from Vikrampur and settled in the village. On the
day of Maharaja Nanda Kumar's execution many Hindus of
Calcutta fasted and crossed over to Bally to avoid the sin of a
Brahmin being executed.
In the newspaper JnanannescM, there is a news report
of 1836, that one Khudiram Mukho of village Nagar had 54
wives. Also in 86 villages of Hooghly district there were 197
Kulins whose wives numbered 2288, and in the well-known village
of Janai in the same district there were 64 Kulins with 162 wives.
In order to record so many wives, Kulins kept list of their, wives
with full particulars so they can be easily traced during their
itinerancy in those localities.
Vigorous attempts to stamp out polygamy as also to
introduce widow remarriage were made by Iswar Chandra
Yidyasagar. He collected figures of Kulin-ridden villages of
Faridpur., Dacca and Backergunj (all in Eastern Pakistan).
It was found that in 177 villages surveyed there were 652
Kulins with 3588 wives. Without waiting for Govemmentai
(legislations prohibiting polygamy, Vidyasagar arranged for a
meeting of renowned leaders of society and it was resolved that
no one would give in marriage his daughter to a man who had
already a wife. In these days we can not conceive how far-
reaching and drastic such resolution was thought in those
days full of evil practice and customs.
On the advice of Vidyasagar, Gnanendra Nath Tagore (of
the Indian Civil Service) and his brother Gunendranath, gave
a cash prize and bore cost of printing of the drama Naba
Natak by Narayan Bhattacharya depicting the evils of polygamy.
In later years, saintly SAur Kumar Ghosh of the Amrita Bazar
BHABER MEYE AND MAGH-TAINTED FAMILIES
29
Patrika wrote a drama Nayaha Rupiya against the exorbitant
dowry demanded by brides' fathers.
As regards disparity in age, Chandi Charan Banerjee
Vidyasagar’s biographer, wrote that a boy, only twelve years
•old had married 5 girls, another boy was being toyed by girls
of much older age. ‘‘On the other hand,” continued the writer,
“boat-loads of girls, were brought from various places for sale.
Of these girls some were widows, some belonged to low caste
and some were not Hindus at all. Evezyone of them was
represented as an unmarried Bramhin girl. In East Bengal
these girls were called Bharer Meye.”
An East Bengal poet sarcastically puts in verse the story
where a mother-in-law complaining against the daughter-in-law
for calling a Pradip (open lamp) a Chirag (current amongst
Muslims for lamp).
According to Mr. Jogendra Nath Gupta, these girls were
brought from various districts such as Sylhet, Mymensingh,
Hooghly, Burdwan, Nabadwip, etc. It is sure that a consider¬
able number of them were captured by the Maghs. The mart
for girls was also in Tamluk in West Bengal has been stated
before.
Mr. Gupta also mentions that in the Baidya Kula Pcenji
there is an instance of Maghs carrying away a member of
a Baidya family which was degraded thereby. He adds there are
Maugha Braxnhins, Maugha Kayesthas, Maugha Telis degraded
by coming in contact with Maghs. All these are outcast. I
have heard from a Kayestha gentleman of Jessore District that
a house was considered polluted by the very visit of the Maugha
Kayestha.
The wide spread nature of the Magh raids is not realised
in these days, and many are of belief that the raids were only
in some Eastern Bengal coastal districts. In th's Chapter, we
have only referred to one instance from the Vaidya Kula Panji,
but that does not show that the Magh taint was rare, it only
shows that there has not sufficient research work in Kayestha
& Baidya Kulapunjis. Mr. D. N. Bhattacharyya has done an
invaluable service to the history of the country by his research
30
MACiH SATOESS IN BENGAL
on Magh Taint in Kulapanjis of Rarhi Bramh ms. The*
community is apread over throughout Bengal spec'ally West
Bengal and the Kulapanjis cover the Kulins alone leaving aside-
others, who are the more numerous. In an article published
in the Probasi the Chaitra number 1363, Mr. Bhattacharyya
has elaborately dealt with caste degradations owing to contact
wCth Maghs () He states that in the
the Ghataks have recorded very lamentable tales. By the way,
these Ghataks are not the 'so-called Ghataks or match makers
of these days. They were the custodians of all records of
family history and they had to be consulted in all marriage
settlements to avb'd misalliance and for due observance of rules
and traditions.
Mr. Bhattacharyya’s research is very limited in scope but
reveals a state of things from which one may visualise the
actual effects of Magh raids.
Mr. Bhattacharyya selected only six Kula Panjis, these are
as he named (1) Sanjya —so-named because it was found in the
house at Sanjadanga of Kulacharyya Ramhari Nayalankar
and written in 1210-11 B.S. (2) Panji —^kept in the Bangiya
Sahitya Paxtisad written in 1720 Saka named Parishad in brief
(3) Panjj’ found in the house of a Ghatak family and briefly
named Chetla. (4) One hundred years before this Punj^ was
filed in a Court at Hooghly now it is custody of Sri Fanindra
Chakraburty referred in brief as ‘‘Hooghly*'. (5) one in the
custody of Mr. Bhattacharyya, it is of a Ghatak family of Jessore-
Jaiantipur and referred as Jaianti. (6) Mr. Bhattacharyya
inspected the Punji lin the possession of Sri Chandra Bhusan
Samoa Mondal of Honda. The Panj;i is of the Ghatak com¬
munity of Kamal in Burdwan district and has been named in
bxoef as Kamal.
In each of these puthis, there are new facts which are not
in othmrs.
(1) Banda Ghati is a branch of Banerjee tree known as
Sagardia. In this branch Janhu was a noteable Kulin. One
of his grandsons (son of Balabhadra) named Sripati was alive in
1600. In the Kula biborani of one of his great grand sons named
SHARER MEYE AND MAGH-TAINTED FAMILIES
31:
Ramchandra it is wititten—^‘‘The Magha took away h’is daughter
named Bishnu pniya.” This occured in the first half of the
17th century. Mr. Bhattacharyya surmises that Ramchandra'a.
house was in Nadia or Jesore. (Sanja and Hooghly). (2)
Ramchandra’s brother was Raghab. He had 8 sons. His
fourth son Chand married in good family but subsequently the
wife was taken away by Maghs. Ghand's four other brothers
Binod, Rajaram, Jadu and Madhu as also- three sisters were
taken away by the Maghs. Thus brothers and three Sisters
were taken from the same house (Sanja and Hooghly). The
family was educataed and cultured is apparent from the poetic
names of the three daughters —
I
(3) Raghuram Chakraburty’s daughter taken away
by Maghs (Kamal).
(4) Srimanta, son of Bhaghirath was of well-known Kulin
in Khardak Mel. Great grandson of Srimanta was Krisnachandra
who was tained by Finingis in Kattaltali village of Vikrampur,
(Hooghly) Kri'snachandra’s brother Kamdeb was also taken
away by Firinghies. Krisnachandra fied away from Kattal tali
for fear of Firingis (Chetla) | ^ 15 ^ m,
5FT^5f\53»ri *r%?T?r n
(5) Dokari of the BaUam Mel was taktn away by Maghs.
(Parishod) Dokari left no heir (Hooghly).
( 6 ) Srikrishna after bd'ng in the hands of Maghs returned
home and he was received by bis son Mahadeb, who performed
Sradh ceremonies after the death of his father and was out-
casted. (Parishad).
(7) Ramsaran Chakrabarty’s wife was taken away by
Maghs (Hooghly. and Jayanti). The wiife was able to return.
It is stated that Harihar^s daughter Ramsaran^ wife being
taken way by Maghs was marriied in Piply port. The said
woman then came to Santipur and had child by Ramsaran and:
then went to Matiari'. (Kamal)
32
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
(8) In the line of Kamdeb’s family in Mukho family,
Faramananda had taints of Magh and Jaban (Jaianti) Para-
T ti anda was taken by Maghs. (Kamal)
(9) The daughter of Ganesh of the same family was taken
•away by Maghs. (Sanja and Hooghly)
(10) Of Rameswar Ganguly it is written that his unmarried
•daughter was taken away by the Maghs (Hooghly).
(11) In Karji family, Ni'lkant's daughter was taken away
by Harmads (Portuguese) (Parishad).
(12) Ramapati’s unmarried daughter was taken away by
Maghs (Parisad).
(13) In Ghatak kesari Es related story of Sibram
Ohakraburty who was kept by Maghs for six days then a Baidya
got him released by paying money.
(14) Another family was not out casted by marriage
relations with families whose member have been taken away,
but degraded. What a concession ? TO
TO ^ ( Sanja )
Magh raids ceased altogether during the later part of the
eighteen centuary, the supply of Bharer Meye from Magh
source was infinitesimally small compared with the total require¬
ments of Bangsaj bridegrooms as only a few of them could afford
to pay the high demands which rose upto one thousand to twelve
hundred rupees —& considerable sum in those days, whereas
a Bharer Meye could he had for Rs. 60 or Rs. 70. They were
preferred because they were of age and well-up in household
duties. Bharar Meyes were therefore, indented from all parts
of Bengal and from all classes of societies the practice of
marrying Bharer Meye continued upto the nineteenth century.
Mr. Kasi* Chandra Ghoshal an old gentleman of Betka village
in Vikrampur (Dacca) wrote in the Chaitra number of Prabasi
of 1325 B.S. (1918 A.D.) from his personal experience as
follows :—^*Tn my childhood, I have seen that Bharer Meyes
come from Calcutta also. After marriage some of the
SHARER MEYE AND MAGH-TAINTED FAMILIES
33
bridegrooms were excommunicated from society, but not out-
casted. Only during feasts the Sharer Meyes were not allowed
to cook. In our village there were two or three Sharer Meyes,
one of whom was known to be of weaver’s caste.
“I have heard of three other Sharer Meyes iti my childhood.
Sallads were recited of their husbands as follows :—Jadu has
bamboo on his shoulder i.e. has married daughter of a palanquin
bearer, Madhu has wisp of thread i.e. has married a weaver’s
daughter, and Hari has lost everything having married an
unchaste girl.
tot
i”
It is stated by Mr. Ghoshal that on arrival of a boat with
Sharer Meyes at a ghat the Sramhin conductor of the boat
called would-be purchasers and gave details of every one of the
women in glowing terms as to their birth, ancestry and other
qualities. After the bargain has been settled another man
posing as the guardian of the girl gave away the girl in
marriage in a brief ceremony. This was also observed at
Piply slave-mart as we see in item number seven it is written
ia Kulapanji, ^ ^ ^
There can be no words strong enough to express condem¬
nation of the dregs of society who trafficked on Bharer Meyes,
they being outright slave-dealers.
As regards the Kulaji writers who arranged marriages by
extolling the merits of families, Sir Jadunath has condemned
them as venal heralds.
Dr. Romesh Chandra Majumbar has been less severe. He
While we may truly admit that the Kulajis contain
a kernel of historical truth about the social conditions of the
Bramhans in the closing centuries of the Hindu period their
94
VAGH RAOnSKS IK BENGAL
story with all its details can by no means be regards as one of
historical value." The Kulajis of Kayesthas also contain
account of degradation of families by daughter being carried
off. ’Ttfy ^ I cTti’t ftn CT? ^
ftftn>i'rlmw’Tt^Tl’Tsfiww*iI
This shows that he was not outcasted but found shelter in
his own group as in the case of Rohila pati Barendra Bramhan.
So far as Magh-dosh as recorded in the Kulajis is concerned,
there is historical truth as false aspersions would have been
resented to by the parties concerned.
CHAPTER III
SANDWD? AND THE PORTUGUESE PIRATES
The waters of the Ganges (called the Padma) and the
Bramhaputra enter the District of Noakhali (in East Pakistan)
a short distance below their junction with the Meghna
in a single river with a width of 3 m’les. So they flow for
a few miles but afterwards open like a fan in three main streams.
Sandwip is the main island formed at the mouth of the
Meghna. It is known to be much oHder than any of the other
islands. It is said to have been brought under cultivation
before the adjoining mainland, a supposition supported by the
higher revenue of the Pargana in Todar Mali’s assessment and
is mentioned by Cesare Fcdrico, the Venetian who visited in
1669. Some of the older part of the island have disappeared,
the tides having nibbled at the southern end, while on the north
there are accretions. The most remarkable feature is the
stability of Sandwip. Along the western part of the delta face
from Midnapur distract to Backergunj the advance of mainland
since Rennell’s time seems infinites'.mal. The marine survey
carried on in 1840 to mark the five fathom and ten fathom lines
from the main land shows that from Sagar Inland to the
Meghna the lines have moved very little and these were the
routes for Portuguese pirates.
It must, however, be said that the slave mart founded by
the Portuguese in the island of Piply at the mouth of the
Subamar^ha has been washed away by the sea, so is the case
with Warren Hastings' favourite sea-resort in Midnapur as men¬
tioned in his oft-quoted affectionate letter to his wife—^“My
Marian, I saw an alligator yesterday as large as a budgerow. I
shall never consent to your going to Birkul.” In 1796, Chapman
wrote of Birkul as having '‘the finest beach in the world.”
In the Settlement Report, at is shown that the area of
Sandwip in 1881 was 220 sq. miles- with a density of population ■
of 875 per sq. miles, in 1911 the density was found to be 647
per sq. mile.
36
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
A recent newspaper report states :—^“Two generations ago
Sandwip was 460 sq. miles, now it is only 186 sq. miles.” This
nullifies the statement in the Settlement Report of 1914-18 that
there has been little erosion.
The Portuguese in East Bengal did not come to establish
a Bandel under a royal Firman as in West Bengal, but were
shipwrecked pirates or slave dealers purchasing slaves in Arakan.
The centre of Sandwip is believed to have been inhabited before
the adjoining mainland, and Cesare Federico, the Venetian
traveller who visited it about the year. 1669 A.D., stated that the
island was one of the most fertile pQaces in the world,^ densely
populated and well cultivated. He describes the inhabitants as
Moors (Muhammadans) and found the island in possession of a
Muhammadan Governor. In 1609 A.D. one Fateh Khan was
Governor, of the island who had a strong Muhammadan garrison
besides a fleet of forty sails. According to the Portuguese
historians, Sandwip had been before that in Portuguese posses¬
sion and Fate Khan had seized it on the death of its Governor
Manoel.'de-Mattos and had murdered all the Christians on the
island.
“About the year 1606, one Sebastian Gonzales Tibao, a
Portuguese of obscure extraction, came to India, and two years
later, having made a little money in the salt trade, carried a
cargo to Dianga,^ a port in the kingdom of Arakan and was
there when the Portuguese residents were massacred by the
King's orders.
“Some few including €k>nzales, escap^ in the ten vessels
and turned pirates, robbing in the ports of Arakan and carrying
their booty to Bhatkal on the Malabar coast, with whose ruler
thqy were on friendly terms.
“Fateh Khan, sent his fleet against this set of robbers
and found them off the island of Bakshin Shahba^ur but in
^ A refugee from Sandwip now rehabilitated in Dandakaranya
«nphatical]y stated before Press representatives that the soil of
Sandwip suxpassed in fertility dll lands, senne 10 or 12 bighas
being quite suffident for a fa:i^y.
^ The port of Akyab dates from 1826. Dianga was near
Cox’s Bazar.
SANDWIP AND THE PORTUGUESE PIRATES
87
the battle which fallowed the Muhammadan Fleet was oitirely
destroyed and Fateh Khan himself was killed. After this the
pirates elected Gonzales as their Chief and being joined by
numbers of their country-men determined to establish themselves
in Sandwip. Gonzales entered into a contract with the king of
Bhatkal (Bhatakola on the west coast) to give the latter half the
revenues of Sandwip in return for his assistance in taking it.
The king sent some ships and 200 horsemen and Gonzales having
collected a fleet of forty sails manned by 400 Portuguese, attacked
the island. The Muhammadans offered a vigorous defence and
the issue was in doubt until the Captain of a Spanish ship
landed 60 men with whose aid the Portuguese captured the fort,
and thereafter put to death more than a thousand of the
Muhammadan garrison. Gonzales added Dakshin Shabazpur
and Patlebhanga in Bakla to his “kingdom”.”
“Once established in Sandwp, Gonzales broke faith with
the Raja of Bhatkail and declined to give him the promised
share of the revenues. Sandwip was then an important centre
of trade and Gonzales erected a custom house and increasing
rapidly in wraith and power found himself in command of 1000
Portuguese, 2000 well armed natives, 200 horsemen and more
than 80 vessels provided with cannon.” He married the sister
of the King of Arakan, and the wives of the Portuguese had
right of entry into the chamber of the queen of Arakan. The
Portuguese were granted also rent-free lands for maintenence
of a force and war boats just as Jaigirs given by the Mughal
Emperors and entered into a treaty with that monarch, for the
defence of Sandw'p against the Mughals who, says the historian,
then contemplated the conquest of Bhulua.
“The King of Arakan sent by land a force of some 90,000
men mostly musketeers and 700 elephants and despatched by
sea a fleet of 200 vessels, carrying 4000 men which was to join
with the Gonzales's fleet and under his command. As usual
Gonzales played false and hav’ng taken the combined fleet into
one of the island creeks, invited on board his vessels all the
Captains of the ships belonging to Arakan, had them murd'^red
and thereafter k lled or enslaved the crews and returned to
Sandwip with all the ships. On land the forces of Arakan were
88
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
defeated and after a fierce struggle the king escaped with only
a few followers to the fort of Chittagong. As soon as he heard
of the defeat of his ally Gonzales set out with his fleet, plunder¬
ing and destroying the forts along the coast of Arakan,
apparently to avenge the murder of the Portuguese at Dianga
two years before. But he failed in an attack on the capital
and the expedition bore no other fruit than the ruin of his
reputation.
“In the year 1616, Gonzales who had hitherto professed
himself an independent sovereign, offered to become a tributory
to Portugal and to pay a galleon load of rice yearly as tribute
if the Viceroy of Goa would assist him in an attack on Arakan.
Tanpted by this offer and in the hope of obtaining the vast
treasure suppo.s£d to belong to the King of Arakan, the Viceroy
fitted out a fleet under Don Francisco, who sailed to Arakan
and was joined by Gonzales with fifty vessels well equipped.
The combined fleet sailed up the river but were defeated by the
Arakanese supported by some Dutch vessels. Gonzales with¬
drew to Sandwip but soon afterwards the King of Arakan
captured the island and put an ^d to the Portuguese dominion.
Many of the Portuguese were transfersd to Chittagong to serve
as gunners and sailors against the growing power of the
Muhammodans and for the next half century the coasts of Bengal
wei*e ravaged by Portuguese and Magh pirates from Chittagong.*
The Portuguese in alliance with Maghs defiant of the Mughal
power boldly declar’ng ‘our salary was the Indian domain and
the whole of Bengal was our Jaigir’.”
An account of Sandwip during the time when it was the
headquarters of the Portuguese pirates from. 1605 to 1620 is
given in Noakhali Settlement Report : “It is difficult to imagine
as a hefidquarters for a sea-faring race like the Portuguese
pirates to choose. The water round it is turgid and shalllow.
The tides race at such a rate and the bottom is so soft that
no considerable vessel could find safe anchorage against it. The
probability is that the pirates had lost the vessels they had
brought from Portugual before they resorted to Sandwip and used
(Report of the Settlement operations in Noakhali District).
SANDWIP AND THE PORTUGUE^ PIRATES
39
ofnljr Buch small boats as they could build with Uie help of local
labour ; that they were river pirates rather than sea-pirates
all the time they held it There are remains of no brick work
forts or other building on the island and the accounts of the
Portuguese show that their defences took the form of a stockade/’
That the Portuguese in East Bengal were also river
pirates like their compatriots in the Indian ocean, is confirmed
from the account given by Muhammadan poet A<lwa] in his book
“Padmabati”. It appears that while coming with his father
from Fatiabad to Chittagong, they met with a harmad
(Portuguese Armada). During the fight his father became a
Sahid i.e. was killed and with much difficulty Alwal reached
the Capital of Arakan. According to Dr. Sukumar. Sen, he
was sold by the Portuguese pirates to the Arakan king.
Fatehbad is identified to be in Faridpur district the incident
must have occured at the mouth of the Meghna as Portuguese
ships did not go up the rivers. "The shipyards from the Mugh
and Firingis fleets were towards the south of the Sandwipa,
a part of the kingdom of Arrakan".f
Before setlling in Sandwip, the Portuguese were hirelings
of anybody who engaged them. We find them engaged by
Chand Roy (who was subjugated by Man Singh) one of the
principal Bhuiyas of Bengal and posted them in his fort at
Sripur Firinghi which was shown in Yanden Broucke’s map
of 1660. Raja Pratapaditya also engaged them as will be seen
later.
Laterly the Mughals also engaged them as gunners at their
Khizirpur Fort to repel the Maghs. In 1790, we find the
zemindar of Bhulua had Portuguese in his pay. After the
subjugation of Sri jut Chowdhury "two bands of dacoits
remained at large led by a number of Portuguese who had
been in Srijut’s employ.”^
No account of Sandwip would be complete without men¬
tioning of Dilal Khan, the bandit who not only brought Sandwip
under subjugation but destroyed the whole social system.
t Prof. Radha Kumud Mukherjee’s “Indian Shipping".
^Duncan’s Report.
40
ICAGH BAIOEBS IN BENGAL
'^European writers speak of the pirates as Christians in
the service of the Arakanese but it appears that piracy at the
mouth of the Meghna was by no means confined to these people
but was shared largely by the Muhammedans themselves. It
was in the* first half of the seventeenth century that Dilal Khan,
the famous bandit chief arose. This man is said to have been
the son of a woman who with her. chilld was wrecked on the
shore of Sandwip. This child, left lying on the beach, was
shielded from the sun's rays by a cobra. This fact, of course,
marked him for a grekt destiny and being brought up with the
prospect befora him, he ultimately became the ruler of the
island and a renowned robber. He is still the popular hero
of Sandwip and many strange facts are told of his powers,
for like a second Robinhood he plundered the wealthy and
strangers and protected and was generous to his own people
and the poor. He was an arbitary ruler too, and had curious
theories on the improvement of the race. The Hindu system
of marriage within the caste, he considered utterly pernicious
and he laid it down as a rule that the fair should wed with
the fair irrespective of caste or even of creed ; hence there
is found to this day a strange medley of Hindu and Muhammedan
names and the Hindus of the mainland, be they of high caste
or of low, have no social intercourse with those of Sandwip.
Even in the geneological table of the zemindera we find a
kayastha family connected by marriage with their Muhammadan
neighbours.
**Dilal seems to have kept on good terms with both
Mughals and Maghs for some years and in 1639 exchanged
presents with Shah Shuja. At this time the Mughals had a
garrison at Bhulua and from the year 1620 onwards they had
maintained an outpost at Noakhali to guard the mouth of the
khal there, but the Muhammadan soldiers were no match on
the water for the pirates, who in their light galleys swept the
whole coast and often praetnated forty miles inland up the
mouth and branches of the Meghna. It was principally to
rdieve the country of this pest and to check the growing power
and insolence of Arakan that Nawab Shaista KhaiL
who was appointed Governor of Bengal in the year
1664, transferred his capital to Dacca. He fitted out a
SANDWIP AND THE FOBTUGUESE PIRATES
41
large fleet and enquipped an army of 13,000 men and after
strengthening the posts of Bhulua and Noakhali, sent the
fleet with 3000 troops and some European gunners under the
command of Hussain Beg to clear the river of the pirates.
Hussain Beg took by storm the forts of Jugdia and Alamgirnagar
at the mouth of the river, which were in possession of the king
of Arakan. Didal Khan was ordered to assist in watching the
river, and as he refused to do so, a detachment under Abul
Hussain landed in Sandwip and bcseiged Dilal in his fort.
Dilal fled to the jungles where he collected a. fresh force and
as at this time a party of Arakancse came to his assistance,
Abul Hussain withdrew to Noakhali. Hussain Beg then sailed
to Sandwip and after some difficulty succeeded in expelling the
Arakanese from their strong stockades and in capturing Dilal,
who with 92 members of his family was sent to Dacca where
he ended his days in confinement.
**Abdul Karim Khan was then appointed to the command
of Sandwip with a garrison of 1000 men. Shaista Khan's
ultimate objective at that time was Chittagong but before
attacking it, he opened negotiations with the Commandant of
the Dutch Colony of Batavia and tried also by threats and
cajolery to detach the Portuguese from the service of Arakan,
oflTering them, if they would enter his service, more advantageous
terms than they were receiving from their present chief and
lands for the settlement of their families in Bengal and
warning them that if they adhered to the cause of Arakan,
he would on the capture of Chittagong, put to death every one
of them. Bernier says that Nawab adopted the expedient of
getting the Portuguese in Bengal to transmit letters to their
co-religionists in Chittagong containing promises of reward if
they would come over to the Mughal side ; and that these letters
were intercepted and handed to the king of Arakan who was
thus made to believe that the Portuguese intended treachery.
“In the Storio Do Mogor^ another version of this story is
given, and it is said that Antonio de Bego of Hughly undertook
for a bribe of Rs. 75,000 to procure the betrayal of Chittagong
^ Mr. Irvine's translation of Storio Do Mogor or Mogul India
1653-1706 by Niccoloa Manucci, Venetian.
42
MAGU RAIDEBS IN BENGAL
to the'Mughal. Any how the Portuguese, who were already
in trouble of Chittagong over the murder of a relative of the
Raja, deserted to the Nawab by whom they were graciously
received and treated with better faith and generosity than they
*
deserved”. iNoakhaU District Gazetteer).
Thus the Mughals finally came into occupation of Chittagong
ousting the Arakanese from both Sandwip and Chittagong.
In Sandwip, as in the main land of present Noakhali in
Dandra and Jug'dia Parganas, a contingent of soldiers were
posted by Islam Khan “for protection of the country against
the Mughs like the Hazaries in Chittagong”. Mtdkam Sing
was the head of these soldiers during the time of Mir Kasim.
In 1761, he sided with one of the dispossessed zemindars whose
share of zemindari was claimed to have been purchased by
Gocul Ghosal, a salt contractor (uncle of Joynarain Ghosal, the
founder of Bhukailash Raj and banian of Verelst). Mulkam
successfully drove away the rent-collector of Gocul Ghosal.
Then an expedition was sent under Major Grant which met
with disastrous defeat and the whole army was trapped and
killed in the island. The men killed included the leader Major
Grant. This was at the time when Mir Kasim was defeated
and Mir Jafar put on the Musnud. Raja Maha Singh, the naib
Suba at Dacca who had succeeded Reza Khan, sent Buddul
Khan, the Fouzdar with 2 sloops and a large body of sepoys.
The Fouzdar remained for two days in a creek of the island
and came back without being able to allay the fears of ryots.
In 1766, Captain Nollinkins was sent with a formidable army
and sepoys of Nabob. He was reinforced by Captain Ellerker
from Chittagong. Messrs Mustel and Billiard from the factory
at Lakmipur (Noakhali) with artillery and a strong army of
sepoys. Mulkam Singh also “prepared himself for an attack
and having besides his own ^corps’ collected together a
numerous body of dependents from Tippera and other places.
After Capt. Nollinkin's arrival a warm engagement ensued
which ended in about 2 gurries with the defeat of Mulkam who
was obliged to make his escape. During the time of engage¬
ment, Abu Torab (the dispossessed zemindar) remained in his
house.where he was wantonly murdered”. His house
SANDWIP AND THE PORTUGUESE PIRATES
43
was plundered and his wife was imprisoned and sent to
Mr. Wilkins (the Collector, brother of Charles Wilkins, the
linguist).
“About 13 days subsequent to the engagement Mulkam was
seized in the jungles” and sint to Chittagong for trial, after
the sentence of death was passed, he was sent back to S^dwip
to be hanged at the place of the encounter for a spectacle of
terror”. {Proceedings of Committee of Circuit).
I have given details as it is one of the incidences where
attempt was made for gaining independence before the Dewani
was obtained by the English. Another interesting thing is that
although Mulkam was denounced as a dacoit by his opponents.
Raja Kritnarain, Prince of Bhulua, when deposing before the
Chief of Dacca in 1772, said that Mulkam Singh was not a
dacoit but report-ed to be a Rosh Bach. In 1790, it was reported
that in Bhulua the zemindar had kiUas fortified with strong
mud walls garrisoned by 60 or 150 men each well-armed with
match locks, roy hanses, tulwars and other weapons. In my
opinion, this is a distorted form for Raibesh i.e. one doing
Rai Beshe dance. In a note by late G. S. Dutt, I.C.S., it is
stated as follows :—^“It is found in some of the Western Bengal
districts e.g. Birbhum, Bankura and Murshidabad. It is
practised by the Bauris and the Domes of the Hindu community
.This dance is one of the manliest and most vigorous
folk dances extant in any country in the world and is marked
by a remarkable dignity, orderliness and rhythm. The scheme
of dancing is absolutely free from all traces of vulgarity and
displays a high order of symmetry and an innate sense of
discipline in the dancers. The dancing is punctuated by
occasional yells and the whole atmosphere is one of warlike
excitiment.”
One can surmise that these warriors with their yells
terrorrised the Magh raiders who were put to flight on their
approach.
It is no wonder that these Rajbeshis (Raj beShyas as in
Kabikankan Ckandi) were engaged in far of£ Noakhali district
to drive away the Maghs who were not afraid of local people
or sepoys and eluded pursuit by war-boats.
44
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
It may be noted that in the District Gazetteer the name
of Malkum Singh nor of his victories are mentioned. Only
“rebel Chowdhury" is mentioned. Mr. Duncan^ (afterwards
Governor of Bombay) in his report dated 22nd September 1779,
stated :—
“1 have been assured that Abutorap, the late rebel
Chowdry, had more than fifteen hundred slaves, head of families
and whom he distributed in separate houses which he allotted
them to live in“. So it is clear than Abu Torab was influential
as well as substantial who could defy the English as also
Nabob’s fauzdars.
Some may question the relevancy of the details given about
Malkum Singh’s rebellion in aiding the zemindar Abu Torap
which zimindari had been usurped by Gocul Ghosal the salt
contractor on the plea of alleged purchase from two women
co-sharers. The reason is two fold fiilstly to show the strength
of the body of soldiers put in by the Mughal Government in
Sandwip and mainland in Parganas Jugdia and Dandra to resist
the incursion of Magh pirates. These soldiers, the friends of
Malkum Singh, came to his aid in defence of Sandwip against
the combined forces of the English and the Nabob.
Secondly it is to show that there was an independence
movement. The Gazetteer has brushed aside this movement for
independence in a few words : “The oppressive conduct of the
ohdodars led to a rebellion of 1767 which was quelled without
difficulty by Captain Nollinkins and a small force.’’ In a foot¬
note it is further stated. “It is a curious fact that Mr. Duncan
was unable to find any authority for Captain Nollinkins’ action
and it seems questionable whether there was any rebellion.’’
It is natural that a writer of a Gazetteer like a historian
would write with a bias. Captain Nollinkins’ expedition is
^ Jonathan Duncan who subsequently Ixicame Governor of
Bombay was an experienced officer of the East India Company, one
whom Cornwallis considered next to Mr. Shore more capable
of assisting him particularly in revenue matters tlian any man
in the country. Duncan was lover of Indian leamii^, he promoted
the establishment of Hindu College at Banaras. He was liberal
minded and won tlie hearts of the people.
SANDWIP AND THE PORTUGUESE PIRATES
46
stated to be an easy victory with a small force but the previous
defeat and annihilation of all the army of that expedition
including the Commander are ignored altogether. I had the
account from the testimony and statements in a case recorded
in the Proceedings of the Committee of Circuit.
This shows the necessity of having information at first
hand which is possible only from original records and a
historian should try to obtain them as far as practical.
There are various conflicing statements in the Gazetteer,
Biengali literature in Arakan Court and the Settlement Report
It is for Research scholars to verify them with accounts of
contemporary historians. They are, however, of not much
importance for our purposes.
Before closing the Chapter on Sandwip it would be
interesting to know about the administration of law and order.
The following extract from Mr. Duncan’s report on Sandwip
describes the system of administration of justice as it existed
in that island :—
“The administration of justice was anciently conducted as
to matters of meum under the authority of the Fauzdar,
formerly residrat in Sandwip whence may be derived its late
and (in some measure) current name of the Fauzdary or
Fauzedary adalat. After the Government discontinued to
maintain a fortress in Sandwip and the consequent removal of
the Fauzdar, justice was, it is said, carried on by the Daroga
or officer appointed for that purpose ; but, if not before, this
Daroga is known to have from about the year 1760 acted
entirely under the authority of the Naib Ahdadar who used on
fixed days of the wedc to sit in the adalat and attended by the
Daroga, the Kanungo and the Zemindar to settle causes which
had been made ready for hearing by the Daroga and his
assistants.^
“The Court took equally cognizance of all matters civil and
criminal, its jurisdication being only restrained as to matters
^ Cf. O’Malley’s Hutory of Rengal, Bihar and Orisefi under
Bff^h rule, pp. 86-86.
46
MAGH RAIDEES IN BENGAL
of revenue, the cognizance of which rested with the Ahadadar
in his separate capacity. The Zemindars affirm that their
pargana was not included in the general fauzdari jurisdiction
of the Province. In matters of debt this court retained the
fourth of the sum litigated and exacted discretionary fines for
theft, dacoity, fornication, assauli and the like. Till the year
1171 (1764) it was customary to exact for the emolument of
the Ahadadar an EsUik of IV 2 annas per diem from the parties
together with 1 anna for the peon who had them in his charge ;
but thi.s Estak being abolished, the peon fee was augmented to
V /2 anna which is now the current rate of the pargana.
“These articles composed a fund for defraying the charges
of the court and its officers besides which 300 or 400 rupees had
under the appellation of Fauzdari been since 1170 settled as
the jama or Govt, rental of thi's mehal and annexed to the taxes
or general revenue of the pargana after the expenditure on
which two accounts the residue was paid towards the
Ahadadar’s Khansamany or private account.’*
“Other abuses not known in Bengal at the present day appear
to have been rife at that time. Frivolous and false complaints
were a common weapon for the satisfaction of private grudges
so much so that while the Regulations of 1772 provided only a
pecuniary penalty in such cases, in 1780 it was found necessary
to empower the courts to award corporal punishment when the
gravity of the offence required it. Another device, often resorted
to by refractory zemindars to get rid of officers sent by the
Collector to take possessions of their estates, was to summon
persons they wished to annoy to appear before the civil court,
as witnesses in a case in which they had really not concern,
thus giving them a needless journey to Dacca or Calcutta.”
The report a^o brings out strongly the difficulties
experienetd by officers in those days regulating their procedure.
Forgery, we learn, was extremly common, and perjury the
general rule. Hindus of good caste professed to be debarred
from taking an oath, and apparently considered it by no means
incumbent on them to speak Ihe truth without it.
The technicalities of Muhammedan law seem idso to have
conducted to tlje failure of justice, for Mir. Dhnean tails of: a
SANDWIP AND THE PORTUGUESE PIRATES
47
case in which a salt watcher was resisted in the execution of his
duty, and on his attempting to carry out his object by force
was killed. The case was clear but the Maulavis ruled that the
circumstances did not bring the killing under any express head
of the Muhammedan law and the man was acquitted ; though
one learned officer appears to have suggested that the act might
be punishable as a contempt of Government.
From 1772 onwards as experience was obtained rules were
made to meet the difficulties and promote the ends of justice
and these were finally amplified and consolidated into Regula¬
tions IV and IX of 1793 which while according recognition to
the impropriety of administering oaths to certain classes of
persons, made their evidence relevant, modified the application
of Muhammedan law and abolished mutilation as a punishment.^
As regards punishment for offences, we find that in
Chittagong to which district Sandwip belonged, prisoners found
guilty of dacoity and murder were sentenced to death. Dacoits
were sentenced to three years’ confinement in chains, whereas
some others had their right hand and left foot cut off. A house
breaker was sentenced to 50 strokes of the Corah and so also
a thief.i
In Midnapur, a person found guilty of tm sentenced
to 100 Corahs and for man-slaughter to death.*
In Rangpur prisoners were put in stocks and left on the
wayside to the mercy of passers-by who gave them food.'’
It is interesting to note that in the list of prisoners md^
over by the Foujdars to the magistrates of the East India
Company in 1772, there are no Magh prisoners ™ ‘’j'
coastal district of Chittagong or Midnapur as nobody dared to
make them prisoner during their raids.
^ {Noakhali District Gazetteer).
1 Chittagong District Record.
2 Midnapur District Record.
® Glazier’s Report on Rangpur.
CHAPTER IV
BHATIS AND SUNDERBANS
Bhati lit. “downstream” land of the ebb-tide is the name
given to the low-lying flats of the Gangetic delta that border
on the great estuaries. Lama Taranath (Indian Antiquary)
refers to “Bati” as an island realm near the mouth of the
Ganges. The dtfivation of the name VangaJa (Vanga-j-al)
from all, ‘dike’ supports it's identification with the part of old
Vanga (and not the whole as stated by Abul Fazl) intersected
by khals and creeks and abounding in dikes and bridges that
was known as Bhati in the days of Akbar and Taranath. It is
this area that Gastaldi (1561 A.D.) places bis “Bengali”.^ In
Van Den Broucke’s map of 1660 there is a note written along
the Sunderbans coast line in Dutch, (in none of the reproduc¬
tions of the map, the note has been translated and explained)
this is very important. Mr. H. S. Van Wijk, Vice-Consul of
the Consulate of the Netherlands, has kindly translated it and
it is as follows :—“This coast is very foul, nevertheless
situation of it is unknown to us. It is very weak and sometimes
even the native ships have been wrecked there and therefore
it is entirely dangerous.” So there is no port or place of
anchorage in this coast.
This Bhati i!s different from the Bhati we have referred
to in connection with the Nawara. That Bhati, Abul Fazl
confines to the “tract of country in the east of the Subah of
Bengal”, and is referred to in Maynamati-Gopi Chand
legend where we have a pointed reference to Vangala Longabordi
hailing from Bhati : “Bhati haite aila Vangal lamba lamba
dari.^
A work of early seventeenth century —DigvijayorProkasa
assigned to Bhati places in UpciT Vonga, Jessore and some other
tracts abounding in forest.
* History of Bragal VoL I by Dr. R. C. MajiundsT.
»Ibid.
BBATSS and BUIiHlCSEBANS
49
So it is clear tiiat the soutlurn portion of the cotmtry, thAt
is, the Sunderbans was certainly, full of junfflee and wild beasts
st least before* the seventeenth century.
About Bhati, Blochman writes :—^The applicaticm of the
name to the whole sha-coast of southern Bengal is modem.
Muhammadan historians call the coast starting from the Hughlt
to the Meghna “Bhati" or the low lands subject to the influx
of the tide and even now-a-days this name is very g^ierally
used. The sovereignty of this district according to the
Akbarnama and Rajah Protapaditya legend was divided among
twelve chiefs ; and Col. Wilford whatever may be the source
of his information says that the Kings of Arakan and Comilla
were constantly striving for the mastery and assumed the title
of lords of the twelve Bhuiyas’’.^
Mr. D. N. Bhattacharyya identities one Gromalle with
Gorai Mullick^ who led expedition against Raja of Tripura on
behalf Hussain Shah (Compos : Portuguei^ei in Bengal p. 28)
the name became Comilla after him, in support, he cites from
a book Tripura Sangbad which has as follows :—^There lived
one* powerful Javana named Comilla in Tripura.
The name Bhati is still used to denote the Sunderbans
region of the districts of Backergunge and Khulna.^ To be more
exact boundaries of Sundarbans covering the portions of the
districts of Khulna, Bakargunj and 24 Parganas were as
follows :—
North—By the permanently settled estates of those
districts
r
East—By the Meghna river
Soutti—By the Bay of Bengal
West—^By the Hooghly river
Within these boundaries only the portion appertaining to
24 Parganas district is in West Bengal, the rest is in Pakistan.
Bernier is right in thinking that the depopulation is more
^ Geography an4 History of Bengal by H. Blochman.
* History of BengalWol'. II by Sir Juidunath Sarcar.
‘History of Bengal Vol. I by R.' C.' Maju’mdar.
50
MAGH BAIDEBS IN BENGAL
due to desertions for fear of the Maghs than to actual capture
of the population.
According to the account of the French traveller Bernier
who travelled in the later part of the sevententh century—^“Many
of the isles (in the middle of the Ganges) that were nezt to sea
had been abandoned on account of the ravages of the Portuguese
pirates and had at that time no other inhabitants than tigers and
gazelles and hogs and poultry grown wild”. Evidently Bernier
refers to the Sunderbans which had been depopulated long ago
and was infested by Royal Bengal tigers, alligators, cobras and
other animals. Even now persons going to the Sunderbans for
gathering honey, cutting trees for fire wood etc are killed every
year. Before entering the forests, they propitiate the deity
Dakshin Roy represented by Royal Bengal tiger. Many
legendary verses have been written known as Rai-Mangal.
They are of the type of Chandi Mangal and Manasha Mangal
of sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.^
Many consider Sundarbans having been depopulated by
the Portuguese. The depopuHation mentioned by Bernier must
have commenced before, much earlier than the advent of
the Portuguese. The Portuguese joined the Maghs later on.
Bernier’s another remark about depopulation has been mentioned
before in the Preface which shows that the depopulation of the
Sunderbans was a noticeable feature. There were no sea ports
but only river ports in the Sunderbans through which the Maghs
passed from East to West Bengal as will be told in next chapter.
We will now deal with the ancient history of this once
populous area.
“Many hold the view that the Sunderbans had once been
a populous tract but was depopulated by the ravages of nature
and the depredations of maruading people like the Maghs and
the Portuguese. Reference to KhadirVisheya or Mandal as
flourishing district in the Sena period, which in later period
^ A modem conception of Dakshin Roy can be seen in a
temple at Dhap Dhupi some 25 miles frcan Calcutta. It is a
''igantic figure of a male extending to the roof of the temple,
<»'ho is armed with a gun. Another deity of the Sundarbans is
'’ir Kalu Roy the croc^ile god.
BHATIS AND SUNDERBANS
61
became a dense forest and the country between Biskhali and
Rahanabad which was depopulated by the Maghs may be recalled
thift connection/*^
**In lot No. 116 village, there is a monument called
Jatar Deul, just near the defunct Mani river. Tradition goes
that a lion with Jata (mane) was found in the jungle and-
hence the island is called Jata and the monument in it was
named Jatar Deul. Long ago, one Mr. Smith at the time of
reclamation of the jungle destroyed the top of the monument
in search of hidden treasures. So its former height can not
now be ascertained. It is now about 96 feet high. From a
copper plate with Sanskrit Inscription it appears that a King
named Jayanta Chandra constructed this temple in Sakabda
897 (975 A.D.). At this time the Pal kings were reigning in
Bengal.^ From the rent-roll of Todar Mall, it appears that
Sunderbans was not assessed to revenue. A portion of the
Sunderbans under the name of Muradkhana or Jeradkhana was
assessed to revenue of Rs. 8454 in 1658.^ This was in
Bakarganj and the assessment was made by Shah Sujah when
he was the Viceroy at Raj Mahal.
In the Chapter on Sandwip, it has been stated that the
whole of the coast line from the mouth of the Meghna to
Balasore was more or less stationary with deep sea route
parallel to coast. Decades ago from the Bunglow at Jaunpur
(near Contai) or the sand dunes of Digha or the Bunglow at
Chandipur near Balasore, I vacantly gazed on the wide
sea but whenever a ship was seen, my thoughts suddenly turned
to those of my unfortunate countrymen who, huddled in decks
one above another bound by canes passed through holes made
in their palms and fed like birds, were being taken as slaves
to the marts at Piply or further off in Goa or even further in
^ Dr. Majumdar’s History of Bengal Part I. The Biskhali
and the Rahanabad rivers flow direct to the sea from Patuakhali
and Perozpur.
Parganas Settlement Report. In the 6th to 8th century
there were Buddhist Kings; of Chandra dynasty in East Bengal
(Taranath).
* Hunter’s StatUtical Account of Bengal.
52
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
the West Indies. But I was comforted at Chandipur when my
e]^es were turned to the Buri Balam where Bagha Jatin with
3 comrades fought for freedom.
Now back Jto Sunderbans, in 1569 Raja Paramananda of
Bakla^ concluded a treaty with the Portuguese Viceroy of
Goa, for granting license for safe passage of his trading boats
in the sea such was the influence of the Portuguese pirates.
The treaty provided for mutual commercial and military alliance
and for,throwing open the port of Bakla to the Portuguese who
will cease going to Chittagong.^
Later we find Dakhin Sahabazpur and Pitalbhanga in the
occupation of the Portuguese pirate Gonzales.
As a matter of fact, another Portuguese pirate set up an
independent domain in the Sunderbans for some years.
In 1764, Warren Hastings complained to His Excellency
Nabob Mir Jafar that his servant Rose while coming to Calcutta
was robbed of his belongings by dacoits near Bakargunj who
took shelter in the Parganah which was the zamindari of
Sitaram.^ This was Bhusna Pargana and recall the story in
the novel of Bankimchandra. The then Zemindar was called to
make good the losses.
In such a desolate region, dacoities were frequent. The
Supervisor of Dacca wrote to Controlling Council of Revenue
on 24. 6. 1771
The dacoits are become so numerous and hardy in these
and the adjacent districts that we cannot trust a sum of mont:y
^ In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Chandradwip was
the name of a small principality in the district of Bakargunj of
M'hich Uie capital was at 6rst at Kachua and subsequently removed
to Mad}iabpa.sa. It i.s identified with the Pargana Bakla in the
sarkar of the same name mentioned in Ain-i-Akbari. H. Beveridge—
The district of Backargunj.
* In the Preliniinary Report of the historical records of Goa
by Dr. S. N. Sen detailexl account of the treaty between Raja
Paramanda of Bakla and Vice-roy of Goa dated 1669 is given.
* As to the history of Sitaram see History of Bengal Vol. II
by Sir J adunath Sarcar. Sitaram with his family was overwhelmed
captured in 1714 and thus fell the last of the Hindu Kingdom
in Bengal.
BHATIS AND SUNDEStBANS
5a
to an Aurung without an escort nor the Europeans go
unmolested. These Plunderers have Hircarahs from eveiry
quarter attending our Durbars. No publick step therefore can
succeed against them. They have the arliest (sic) intelligence
of every Motion, and evade them by Flight. I am concerting^
Private Plans of operation in which should I succeed I hope
severest example will be made of those, which fall into my
hands. The Sunderbunds are unusually infested with these
Depredators and poor Captain Holland has met his fate from
them in the most inhuman manner, near a place called Bohtallie
(Moutali, where Pratapaditya had a battle with the Mughals)^
to the number of four hundred, mostly Europe armed and
habited like Sepoys have formed a Village, publickly declaring
themselves Dacoits. A boat belonging to me was lately seized
by them with treasure (luckily to no great amount) which they
seized. Releasing the people with orders to tell their master
that if any more boats belonging to the English or Dependents
come near the village their people should certainly be cut to
pieces.2
The Maghs and the Portuguese are no longer active even
the dacoits have been suppressed but the land is left desolate.
The sea with its briny water still recalls a sad memory which
I cannot but recount as it is intimately connected with our
economic life. Thirty five years back or to be more exact on the
31st March 1926, while I was j,ust about to leave Court at
Contai an Inspector of Salt suddenly rushed in and requested
me to stay a few minutes to try some petty salt cases. Behind
him came a procession of old destitute and weeping men and
women in ragged and tattered clothes, they were the criminals
accused of illicitly manufacturing salt for their own consump¬
tion. The Peshkar told that hi such cases a fine of four annas
is imposed. They all pleaded guilty and fortunately the lawyers
and their clients subscribed the fine.
^ S. C. Mitra’s Khulnar Tlihash.
® Amongst the papers foimd in a dacoit’s boat was Sanad
granted by one of the influential zemindars of Rajshahi, and the
booty after dacoities in Calcutta, Krishnagar and other places was
distributed at his house near Chalan Bill in Rajshahi.
B4
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
I told the Sub-Inspector of Salt what is the meaning of
dragging all these poor and destitute people. He replied this
fs Mamidi (routine) work, as the department have to show some
convictions and that day was the last day of the official year.
It made a deep impression and I studied the history of imposition
of salt duty by the East India Company to compensate its
employees for their illegal gains stopped by Clive.
But why this burden on persons who are least able to pay.
Mahatmaji felt it deeply. There was the non-cooperation,
memorable Dundi March, Satyagraha, fasting unto death, Irwin
Pact. In the words of Tolstoy “And it was only when he has
learnt to speak the speech of the common man and to grasp the
hidden meaning behind his words and when he felt himself in
alliances with him that Mahatmaji began boldly to direct him.”
Jonathan Duncan was deputed to Sandwip in 1778. He
was surprised to find the Cazi holding that there is no provision
of law to punish those who killed a salt-watcher who obstructed
illicit manufacturers of salt. Was it not better than having
laws for punishing the poor for manufacturing a few grains
of salt ? People now derisively speak of Panchayet Raj. They
only look to the four comers of law courts for remedies. I
know of a President Panchayet who putting on his pugree and
tightening his loin cloth rushed with a Mhi crying “I would
not have any golmal in my elaka” and put himself between two
parties arrayed for a fight. Is he not a better panchayet, than
the one who keeps a hospitable table !
The readers may be reminded that the monopoly of
manufacture, of salt and trade in Betelnut, salt and tobacco
was given to a company formed exclusively of company’s
servants. This was to compensate the Company’s servants both
Civil and military on being prohibited to receive any present
or "refreshment” money from the Indians in the Country.
Clive described this as a “bomb” thrown on Company’s servants.
So the imposition of the salt monopoly was to give place to one
sin for another.
CHAPTER V
ABAKAN
Rakhang of Baharistan and the Fathiyya or Rosung
of Rajmala, is Arakan. It is now reduced to a small province
of Burma lying to the north of Lower Burma bordering on
the sea and protected by hills on other sides. It had at one
time close connection with Bengal. After successive persecu¬
tions by the Hindus, many Buddhists migrated from the land
of their birth and sought refuge in Eastern Bengal specially
east of the Meghna. “In the centre of the District of Tippera,
there are some relics of Buddhism. The King of Kamalanka,
generally identified with this district and specially of Patikura
Pargana who welcomed Hiuen Tsang the Chinese Traveller in
the sixth century, was a Buddhist”.^ About Patikura, it has
been stated that it was ruled by a Buddhist King in later days,
who had social relations with the Raja of Arakan. The other
big sister Parganas, Bardakhat, Sarail and Gangamandal, which
in later days supplied the Nowara fleet were probably occupied
by Buddhists. How they were ousted or disappeared is not
known. The subsequent Zemindar during the Mughal period
claimed to be a malcontent of the Tripura Raj family and
obtained Sanads from the Emperors of Delhi after embracing
Islam. This convert was Nayan Thakur. Thus the Tripura
Raja was deprived of three of his parganas. One of the subse¬
quent zemindars of Pargana Baradakhat, Hasan Ali “was some¬
thing of an ascetic and devotee and worshipper of the Hindu
Goddess Kali“<^ : so it seems all trace of Buddhist faith had
disappeared. But things were different in earlier centuries and
we find a compact area comprising these parganas occupied
by Buddhist princes as also by Magh king Joychand reigning at
Chakrashala in Chittagong even in the beginning of the 16th
century*
After Buddhist supremacy had been completely wiped off,
the struggle for supremacy of Chittagong began. The story
* Tippera Settlement Report.
2 Ibid.
66 MAGH BAtDEBS IN BENGAL
of the strufiTgle has been told in the Introduction and for a
period Chittagong was considered a part of Arakan. The final
occupation of Chittagong by the Mughals was only in 1666.
Muslim influence on Arakan had begun from the 15th
century and we find the Arakan Eajas bore three names one
of which was Muslim. This was even after the Arakan King
Hussain Shah was defeated by Dhanya Manikya in 1435, and
continued long after. We give below some of the names of
these Arakan Rajas from the book—^Bengali literature in
Arakan Courts.^
Meng Doulya (1481-’1491).=Mathu Shah, Meng Yangu
(1491-1493) =Mahamed Shah, Meng Ranoung (1493-94)'=Nori
Shah, Chhalunggathu (1494-1501)r=Shekmodulla Shah, Meng
Raja (1609-13)r=Ili Shah, Meng Shou (1615)=Jal Shah, Thajst
(1515-1521).r=:Ili Shah. Meng Beng (1531-58)=:Sri Surya
Chandra Dharma Raja=;Jogpon Shah, Meng Phaloung (Sdcendar
Shah 1671-1593), Meng Radzagni=Selim Shah (1698-1612),
Meng Khamaung=ltussain Shah (1612-1622). We find also
Arakan Rajas having Magfa and Pali names. Tkiri Thudharma
Raja or Raja Sri Sudharma (1622-38), Narapadigyi (1638-
1645). An these names show close connection with India. The
use of Mafaamadan names and favour to Muslim poets show
their cultural affinity towards Muslims.
In the Introductioii we have given a summary of the
various tfiianges in the administration of Chittagong till its
final cauquest by Buzrnk Umed IQtan in 1666. The present
administration boundaries of the Distriets of Tippera, Noakhali
and Chittagong, so firmly ingrained in us, have no bearing with
tracts bearing those names in previous histories, nor is the
contemporary map of 1660 by Van Den Broucke of any help. It
shows Chatgacm on the eastern boundary. So readers will have
to localise areas with great caution and circumspection. The
Arakan King who first wrested Chittagong from the Sultan of
Ghatgaon in the middle of the 10th century put a triumphal
stone at Chittagong with the inscription “it is wrong to go to
war”. He introduced the Maghi era known also as Sakhraja Era.
^ Arakan Rajsbavay Bangla Sahitya.
ARAXAK
67
stated before, Tugral, rebel firovemor of Bengal was.
pursued by Sultan Ghyasuddin Balban declaring in public that
I have put half the empire of Delhi at stake for the pursuit
of Tugral, if he will pit down on the sea (dar dariya khwahid
mmhaat), I will pursue. By an Ahad-nanna, Danuj Rai of
Sonargaon (identified as Danuj Madhab, the founder of
Chandradwip Raj) stipulated to guard the rivers and not to
allow Tugral to go south. Ultimately Tugral left his strong¬
hold at Laricol south of Dacca (is it Rahrikel in bU area, the
home of Sir Jagadish Chandra Bose ?) and fled to Jajnagar (can
it be Joynagar ? in modem Tippera District).
It is therefore certain that Tugral did not reach Chatgaon,
but had only dominion over some portion of Tippera.
About Chatgaon it may be said that the jurisdiction of
Chatgaon began with the modem Chittagong at the apex and
terminating with the Naaf river on the south. This territory
was long in possession of the Arakan Kings of which there
is ample testimony. Even a modern writer Maulvi Hamidullah
Khan in his Tarikh-i^hatgaon (Calcutta 1873) refers to Hindu
dirines and Magh temples in this area. Dhanya Manikya the
Raja of Tripura drove away the king of Arakan from Ramu
which is in this area in the fifteenth century. This area has
Dianga 20 miles south of Chittagong which was used as a
port for slave trade by the Portuguese. It was from Chatgaon
that expeditions were sent for raiding in Bengal. From Jugdia
(washed away and now reformed) in the south-eastern comer of
the then Bengal began the operation of the Maghs through Bhulua.
The possession of Paragal Khan, general of Sultan Hussain Shah
was hi the north on the Great Fenny river and did not extend
to Chatgaon which as has been stated continued to be occupied
by the Kings of Arakan. The aggressive move for territorial
acquisition of the Kings of Arakan began from the seventeenth
century and it is the viceroys of Mughal Emperors who had
to bear the brunt o£ it. The task was “difficult one”. In the
narrative of events, * we, therefore, find historians mentioning
Ar^can as south of Tippera, which will be confusing to readers.
The raiding expeditions of Firinghis and the Maghs of
Chittagong must therefore be taken as raids of the Maghs
emning from Arakan proper as well. The port of Dianga in
68
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
modern Chittagong and Syrium in Arakan serving as ports.
The following extracts show it. “South of Tippera lay the
territory of the Raja of Arakan. Its rulers took advantage
of the internal troubles and political complications following
Akbar's nominal conquest of Bengal to extend their authority
over a large portion of south-eastern Bengal. Sikandar Shah
brought the whole of Chittagong under his sway and also
occupied a large portion of Noakhali and Tippera. His son
Selim Shah was equally capable and ambitious but his son
Hussain Shah proved to be the greatest and most successful
conqueror and the father and the son led a number of campaigns
against Bengal and by this policy of open air and secret help
to the rebel elements proved to be a serious menace to the
Mughal peace in the country'".
According to Dr. S. N. Bhattacharyya (History of Bengal
Vol. in “The Portuguese freebooters carried on their depreda¬
tions into Bengal in close alliance with the local people of
Chittagong commonly known as the Maghs, who were a race
equally competent seamen, equally cruel and adventurous and
living a similar piratical life. The quaint features, manners
and customs of these half civilised Mongoloid hordes, the
frequency, severity and ruthlessness of their raids and the
serious damage and desolation caused by them and the harsh
and brutal treatment of their captives all combined to make
the Maghs an object of great hatred and terror to the imperial
officers and people of Bengal as is testified by the author of the
Fathiya (Continuation) and the European traveller Bernier".
A
The kings of Arakan were pre-eminent in splenderous
display and had immense army during the 16th and 17th
centuries. This is testified by Baharistan according to which
the Arakan king possessed one million infantry, fifteen hundred
elephants and ten thousand war-boats. In the Fathiya
(Continuation) we have—"their cannons are beyond numbering,
that flotilla exceeds the waves of the sea".
As to the cruelties, atrocities, rapine and rape carried on
by the Maghs we have detailed them m the Preface. Fathiya
(Continuation) in its usual flowery language says—^"The Maghs
did not leave a bird in the air or a beast on the land (from
AILIKAN
69
Chittagrong) to Jagdia (in Noakhalii) the frontier of Bengal.
Not a house-holder wa's left on both sides of the river on their
track from Dacca to Chatgaon”.
We have narrated before the resistance against the Maghs
during Islam Khan’s time. But the first attempt to wrest the
Raja of Arakan of his possession was made by Qasim Khan
the Viceroy. The expedition’s first objective was Chittagong,
from where the Arakanese had driven away the Raja of
Tripura as has been told before. Qasim Khan himself advanced
to Bhulua (February 1616) from where he dispatched Abd-un-
Nabi with a force of 6000 cavalry, 6000 musketeers, 200 war
elephants and a fleet of 1000 war-boats to Chittagong. The
Arakan King Meng Khamaung (Hussain Shah) decided to check
the advance by making a fort at a strategic point about 20
miles north-west of Chittagong at Kathgar. He sent his chief
officer (Karamkari) with a force of 100,000 infantry besides
400 elephants and 1000 war-boats to complete and hold the fort.
He personally started from his capital Mrohaung (Mrank-a) for
the defence of Chittagong with an army of 30,000 infantry and
10,000 cavalry besides a large number of elephants and
war-boats.
The Mughals took the Arakanese by surprise at the un¬
finished fort at Katgar and though the Arakanese opposed by
n heavy shower of shells, bullets, arrows, bombs and stones, the
Mughals were on the point of being successful. But when the
attack was resumed next morning the Arakanese had recovered
and made a bold stand against a seige of the Port. At the
threat to the supply of food to the main army, the seige was
raised atid Mughal Commander retreated towards Jahangi-
magar, leaving behind the heavy artillery and destroying 600
maunds of gun powder (May 1616). Thus the invasion of
Arakan proved a complete failure.^
The Arakanese in alliance with the Portuguese pirates with
superior army became irresistible as has been told by Talish.
The Mughal Governor felt himself powerless against them,
being deprived of the powerful Bhuiyas. Khanazad Khan,
^ History of Bengal Vol. II pp. 297-298).
CHAPTER VI
PRE-MUGHAL PERIOD—RAJAS AND BHUIYAS
According to Abul Fazl the Kayasthas had been ruling in
Bengal for about two thousand years : that there was no
difference between Dakshin Rarhi and Bangaj Kayestha is proved
by the popular saying **Hui Mitra Borshe (Barisha) Behala.
Gui Mitra Taki..' In the 16th century Bengal was ruled by
a number of semi-indei>endent and independent princes called
Bhuyias, most of whom were Eayasthas who were known by
the name of Bhowmics t.e. owners of land.
Dr. Dinesh Chandra Sen basing on the Bengali literary
works of the 16th century stated that the bigger Rajas had
under them smaller Rajas who were called ^HShuiya Ra)as'\
During the investure ceremony of a superior Raja, the Bhuyia
Rajas held umbrellas over him. The Raikats of Jalpaiguri
(literally meaning umbrella-bearers) belonged to Cooch Bihar
family, being next in rank to the Raja and held the Baikantapur
Pargana^. The Bhuiyas are generally referred to as Barabhuiya.
Some interpret this as being twelve in number. But I think
the word indicates a large number of Bhuiya just as Bara bhut,
Barawari etc. In East Bengal the zemindars, commonly known
as Bhuylas, are stated to be independent zemindars by Sir
Jadunath Sarkar, who under the leadership, of Musa Khan
opposed Islam Khan, the Viceroy of Jahangir in his march with
a fleet of boats. These Bhuyias maintained their own fleet
of war-boats and acknowledge nominal subjugation by payment
of an annual peshkesh (tribute). The late Romaprosad Chanda
has clearly indicated the sort of independence which the Bhuyias
possessed and wanted to preserve. “The word independence is
used with very different meanings. Isa Khan, Kedar Roy and
Pratapaditya fought hard for what sort of independence, is
quiet apparent from Isa Khan's behaviour. Isa Khan was
willing to pay peahkeah but he was not ready to appear before
* Sannyaai and. Fakir Raider* m Bengal. Page 61 fciotnote 8.
PBE*MUGHAL PEBIOI>—B4JAS AND BHUIYAS
63
Mughal Subedar on being summoned. Isa Khan had given
asylum to the rebel Mughul General Masum Khan Kabuli and
the rebellious Afghan Sardar Uaman but he did not go to war
against the Imperial forces by aiding them. The Emperor
had proposed to the Bhuyias to give up independence and enjoy
their zemindaries as jaigirs under him. On the Bhuyias not
accepting this proposal there was the dispute. As a matter of
fact Isa Khan, Kedar Boy, Musa Khan, Raja Pratapaditya and
other Bhuyias fought hard to maintain independence of
East Bengal."
The independence of the zemindars is evident from the
fact that when the Pathan Sultan Gbysuddin Balban (1266-
86 A.D.) pursued the rebel Governor of Bengal, Muhamad
Tughral from Lalchanwuti to Sonargaon, the latter fled to
Jajnagar (in modem Tippera). The Rai of Sonargaon by name
Danuj Rai, met the Sultan and an agreement was made with
him ^at he should guard against the escape of Tugral by
water.^ The event has been told in the previous Chapter.
Every zemindar, great or small in East Bengal, maintained
a fleet of war-boats kept ready and manned for service against
any attack by enemy. The resistance offered by the independent
zemindars at the beginning of seventeenth century to Islam
Khan on his march up the Ichamati in Manidcgunj Sub-division
of Dacca district has been given with accurate and vivid details
in Baharistan. Some of the descendants of these zemindars
still remain and their family history gives further details. In
one of these, it is stated that Islam Khan was not victorious
in all battles as claimed in Baharistan but made peace with the
zemindar and obtained a free passage to Dacca.^ The war-
boats were manned by the sturdy Kaibartas.
^ (Tarikh-i-Firozshahi).
®This refers to Raja Roy owner of a small pargana named
Shahajadpur whose successors are known as Dutt Roys of Tilli
in Manikgunj (Dacca). It is stated in Ktdajig that Raja Rai
after a strenuous fight only agreed to give passage to the Mughal
army but ^d not submit. Raja Ray joined the Mughal army in
its expedition against Usman, but was trapped by the enemy at
Egarasindur and transported to Baniachang (Sylhet). This
Shahajadpur should not be confused with Shahazadpur on the
<64 MAGH RAmBRS IN BENGAL
In the Ayodhya Kajtda of Ramayan we have ‘^Let hundreds
of Kaibarta youngmen lie in wait in five hundred ships (to
obstruct, enemy’s passage). In the eleventh century, Dibya a
Kaibarta General was deet/gd as king by the border chiefs in
Varendra comprising the districts of Dinajpur, Malda, Pabna
and Bogra of undivided Bengal.
In Kabikankan Chandi, an epic poem by Mukundaram
Chakraborty (1544-1608) the East Bengal boatmen are taunted
for their “Bangal” accents.- These boatmen were well-skilled in
the use of Tenta and Leja (Javelins) and undauntedly fought
against enemies.
These valiant Kaibarta fighters were a reality. From very
ancient time they are known as valiant hunters. I may say
from my own experience in boyhood. When passing along the
Dhaleswari in a convey of boats, we were encircled by several
boats of dacoits at Jai Mantap char (Dacca district). Our
majhis (boatmen) who were Kaibartas of our village, asked
us not to be frightened and keep inside. They after chanting
their mantras began hurling Tentas, a sort of spear heads
fastened to strings which could be thrown at objects at a
distance and then drawn back. They were so skilful in use
of the Tentas that every throw of the missile hit its object.
Thus six majhis managed to drive away a whole gang of
dacoits.
Many would be incredulous. Let the unbelievers read over,
again the admirable story of Mantraahakti by Pramatha
Ohaudhuri, there is much in Mantra or will-power believe
it or not.
Now coming to the Bhuyias of East Bengal, in the sixteenth
century, the Koch Chief, Raghu Deb, after his rupture with his
uncle Nara Narayan, included the northern portion of the
district of Mymensingh in his kingdom but the Pathans wrested
it from him. About Isa Khaiw who was in possession of this
Karatoya in the Pabna district where Rabindranath stayed in his
kutehary hart. The confusion is in History of Bengid Vpl. II
publish^ by the Dacca University and edited by Sir Jadunath
Sarcar. See Map A.
FBE-MUGHAL PERIOD—^RAJAS AND BHUIYAS ^6
area, we have the well-known stoxy of his duel with Man Singh
at Egara Sindur on the Brahmaputra. Isa Khan being defeated
sought shelter in jungles of this region in his fort at Jangalbari.
His successor Musa Khan led the other zemindars in their
resistance. After a bold stand in the various strategic centres
like Kadamrasul, Khizirpur, Katrabo and other places, Musa
Khftti took shelter in his capital at Sonargaon. (See Map A).
'**These successive defeats so thoroughly unnerved Musa Khan
that he thought it unsafe to stay even in his capital. He evacuat-
ted Sonargaon and retreated to the island of Ibrahimpur, whence
he summoned Mirza Mumin to mieet him with all his family and
belongings.—^"With the fall of Sonargaon (C. middle of April
1611) the war with Musa Khan practically ended. But his
brother Daud continued to fight for the recovery of Katrabo.
His activities were, however, cut short by the Firingh;' pirates,
who suddenly made a night attack and killed him unrecognised".^
Ultimately after Islam Khan has established the Mughal
supremacy at Dacca, the family retired to Jangalbari of
Mymensingh District. The zemindari of the family was mostly
parcelled out to independent Talukd.irs and what was left, after
separation of the taluks; to the family was the extensive revenue-
free jaigirs in the Pargana Hazradi. The members of the
family are known as Dewan Sahibs and although living in
genteel poverty, are highly respected by all.
We have strayed away far into the Mughal period in
describing the subjugation of Isa Khan and his family. Although
the work of subjugation was began by Man Singh and Todor
Mall, but the task of consolidation of power fell to Islam Khan
that young and enargetic Viceroy of Jehangir, belonging to the
well-known Chisti family.
The subjugation of other principal Bhuiyas and the
consolidation of Mughal power in Bengal will be dealt with in
the next Chapter. , i.
^ History of Bengal Vol. II.
6
CHAPTER VII
CONSOLIDATION OF MUGHAL POWER
After the death of Katlu Khan (immortalised by Baol^i^
Chandra) in 1690, his nephew Usman with his fqUowers were
driven away from Orissa by Man Singh, at first they to<^
shelter in the Magh devastated Sunderbans but finding the pl^e
.unsuitable they went to Ki'lla Bokainagar on the eastei^n bank
of the Bramhaputra. The defeat of Usman at Bokainagar h^s
been stated elsewhere. From Bokainagar Usman took shelter
in the secure place of Patan Ushar in the modem Maulvi Bazar
Subdivision of Sylhet district. He advanced to meet the
expedition sent'against him at a place called Uaulambapur an
ideal place of battle being secured by hills and haors of Bhati.
An account of the battle was first brought to public notice by
Sir Jadunath Sarkar in the Agrahayan issue, 1328 B.S. of the
Prabasi, it is also given in his posthumus book “Military
History of India”.. Readers interested with the details of the
battle, in which Usman lost his life, should read the book in
which a vivid picture has been given. Our interest is that the
battle was fought in the Bhati area and Usman's troops were
“mostly East Bengal rustics, many of whom has only recently
changed their bamboo rods for sword and shield”. From these
remarks I respectfully differ. These Bhati people were sturdy
fighters in naval warefare although unused to battle on land.
Their zemindars in these parts viz of Baniachang, Taraf and
Putijuri etc had war-boats and they subsequently supplied a
part of the Mughal Nawara. The Baniachang zemindar escaped
by boat from Channighat, Dacca where he was summoned to
help the Mughals. Sir Jadunath Sarkar has identified the
battle-field near a haor in Moulavi Bazar of subdivision. Now
we will revert to the consolidation of Mughal power by
subjugating Bhuiyas.
In his authoritative book **Indian Shipping'^ Prof. Radha
Kumud Mukherjee gives the following account about
Kedar Roy:—
CONSOLIDATION OF MUGHAL POWER
67
“The chief centres of the Hindu naval activities were
Sripur, Bakla, Chandradwipa in the south-east of the modem
district of Badcergunj and Chandikan which is identified with
Saugar island. The lord of Sripur (mentioned in Vanden
Broucke’s map of 1660 as Sripur Firingi see Map A) was Kedar
Roy, who was quite a naval genius but hardly sufficiently known;
He had many men-of-war kept always in readiness in the ship¬
yards and naval stations. In 1602, he recovered the island of
Sandwip from the Moghals and placed the Government in the
hands of the Portuguese under Carvalho. This however, roused
the jealousy and alarm of the king of Arakan who forthwith
despatched 150 vessels of war, large and small, to conquer
Sandwip. Kedar Roy, equal to the occasion, sent 100 vessels
of war in aid of the allies. In the battle that was fought, the
allies of Kedar Roy, came off victorious and they captured 349
of the enemy's vessels. The king of Arakan fared equally ill
in his second attempt against Kedar Roy's allies although he
despatched as many as 1000 war-vessels against them^ . . . .”
According to Varthema who stayed in Bengal from 1603 to
1608,—Bacla which is "very great and plentiful and had store
of rice, much cotton cloth and cloth of silk, Sripur with its
great ’store of cotton cloth, and Sonargaon—Here is best and
finest cloth made of cotton that is in all India". (See Map A)
But Kedar Roy had to face a more and powerful enemy
from another dil’ection about the same time. For Raja Man
Singh, the then Viceroy of Bengal was convinced of the
necessity of extinguishing the power and independence of
Kedar Roy and sent Manda Roy with 100 war-vessels for the
purpose. But in the battle that was fought Manda Roy was
slain. This, however, only incited Man Singh to make a second
and far stronger attempt to subdue Kedar Roy in A.D. 1604.
Kedar Roy equipped with fully 500 men-of-war first took the
offensive and beseized the Mughal General Kilmack in Srinagora
but was himself taken prisoner after a furious cannonade. He
was brought before Man Singh but soon died of his wound’s.
It has already been stated that Kedar Rai gave his sister
in marriage to the King of Arakan and they jointly attacked
* iTahmilla-e-AJeharnama in Elliot).
'B8 MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
, Saptagram. The story of alliance is corroborated by the folloaring
extract from Sir Jadunath Sarcar’s “History of Bengal Vd IT
<Dacca University) :—“A fleet of Aracan pirates (called Magh
or Burmese) invaded Dacca waters and invested the fort at
Trimohoni. The imperial Captain there, Sultan Quli Qalmag had
a fracas with the Kashmiri garrison of the Fort and was wounded
and fled away at night. The enemy thus emboldened advanced
plundering many Mughal posts on the way. A force sent by
Man Singh. . . .chastised the invaders after a stiff flght kiling
many of them. The Arracanese then withdrew from the dry
land to their boats and opened a hot Are with their muskets and
cannon, but the Mughals sunk some of their gun-boats (ghurabs)
about August 1608.
“Kedar Rai now joined the»Maghs with his own powerful
fleet and attacked the Mughal outpost Srinagar to which Man
Sing had to send relief with artillery. Near Vikrampur a great
battle was fought, in which Kedar Rai was wounded and captured.
When brought before Man Singh his life ebbed out. Many
Portuguese pirates and Bengali soldiers in his service were killed.
With the death of this active and turbulent Zaminder the flames
of distubances in deltic Bengal were quenched. After this
Man Sing started from his base at Bhawal against the Magh
Raja who fled away in his own country."
In Chapter IV we have mentioned of Raja Paramananda
of Bakla who made treaty with the Portuguese Viceroy of
Goa. Forty years after the conclusion of the treaty a Christian
missionary of the Society of Jesus, Melchoir da Fonseca,
visited the Court of Bakla on his way to Chandika (Ciandecan).
His account of the interview with the king is worth quoting :
*T had scarcely arrived there when the king who is not more
than eight years old but whose discretion surpasses his age)
sent for me and wished the Portuguese to come with me. On
entering the hall where he was waiting for me, all the nobles
and captains rose up, and I, a poor priest was made by the
King to sit down in a rich seat opposite to him. After
compliments, he asked me where I was going and I replied that
I was going to the King of Ciandeca, who is the future father-
in-law of your Highnes but that as it had pleased the Lord
that I should p^ss through his Kingdom and it had appeared
CONSOLIDATION OF MUGHAL POWER
69
right to me to come and visit him and offer him the services
of the fathers of the Company trusting that his Highness
would give permission to the erection of Churches and ths
making of Christies.” The boy king of Bakla has been
identified as Baja Ram Chandra;^ When Islam Khan sent an
expedition against Pratapaditya, he sent another expedition to
Bakla against Ram Chandra son of Raja Kandarpa Narain and
son-in-law of Protapaditya, so that no assistance can reach
the Jessore King. Though Ram Chandra had barely passed his
teens, be decided under the advice of Bramhin Minister to offer
resistence and came forwarl to make a fort near the Imperial
entrenchments and for 7 days fought hard to hold it. But the
fort was captured and the imperialist penetrated through the
heart of the country. Ramchandra's mother was averse to
fighting and threatened to take poison unless hostilities were
suspended, and the young Raja was compelled to tender
submission. According to the order of Islam Khan Raja
Satrajit escorted Ramchandra to Dacca. The latter was deprived
of his Kingdom and also of his personal liberty and kept confined
at Dacca. But the subjugation was not complete for we find
Kirtinarayan Roy of Bakla (Bakergunj) who was equally
skilful in naval warfare like his father Ram Chandra Roy
(son-in-law of Pratapaditya, immortalised in Rabindra¬
nath's BowthakuranVs Hat) was now another of the great
Bhuyias who succeeded in ousting Firinghis near the mouth
of the Meghna (Sandwip). His alliance was courted by
Mughal Viceroy at Delhi.^
There is much exaggeration regarding the numerical
strength of army of Pratapaditya in the Annadamangal. It
speaks of his having fifty-two thousand warriors, sixteen halkas
of elephants and fifty-thousand horse. From Abdul Latiff’^s letters
(article in PRABASI by Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar) we find that
Pratapaditya was foremost in Bengal as regards army and riches.
He had seven-hundred war-boats twenty thousand Paiks and
property yielding fourteen lakhs in rent. In his navy he had
Firinghee sailors. The paiks or sai'ors were mainly Kaihartas.
Man Singh concluded peace with Pratapaditya, but Islam Khan,
^ Beveridge’s ^‘District of Backargunj**.
70
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
on the plea that Pratapaditya did not personally appear before
him although he waited for Pratapaditya for three months at the
mouth of the Ichamati' and also he did not jpin in his expedition
against the independent zemindars of East Bengal, led an
expedition against Pratapaditya in 1608. Pratapaditya had,
however, sent presents to Islam Khan through his son
Sangramaditya. He was feeble and old at the time as remarked
by Sir Jadunath Sarkar. He sent his son Udayaditya to repel
the expedition, who was supported by Kamaluddin or Kamal
Khoja, Jamal Khan, son of great Pathan Katlu Khan (immorta¬
lised in Bankim Chandra’s Durgesnandini) and his Bengali
Generals Sankar Chakraborty and Suryya Kanta Guha.
Udayaditya had such strength that when he found his
Mahalgiri war-boat was on the point of being seized by the
Mughals, he jumped from his Mahalgiri (war-boat) with his
two wives in his arm-pits to a swift running small boat. This
is mentioned in Bakaristan. On Pratapaditya’s death, his two
sons along with two princes of Cooch Behar, were sent by
Ibrahim Khan, the Governor, as prisoners to Delhi. Thus the
family of Pratapaditya was crushed. By far the most important
maritime power of the time in Bengal was at Chandikan or
Saugar Island, established by the genius of Pratapaditya who
built ship-yard and dock-yards at Dadkhali, Jahajghata and
Chakrasi where his ships were built, repaired and kept.
According to Manrique—the once flourishing island of Sagor at
the month of the Hooghly was destroyed by the combined forces
of the Maghs and the Portuguese. This was after their defeat
by the army of Islam Khan. The battle has been vividly
described in Baharistan.'
•
With Pratapaditya's defeat, the lower portion of West
Bengal became an easy prey to the Maghs sailing up the Hooghly
upto the Makhua fort at Sibpur, or up the Rupnarain called the
Rogues’ river.
In Long’s descriptive catalogue of Bengali Books (1865)
we have the following notes :—
143. Pratapaditya Ckuritra, Last King of SAGAR ISLAND
by Harish Tarkalankar .... Raja Pratapaditya lived in the
Nikhil Nath Roy’s **Pratapaditya**,
CONSOLIDATION OP MUQHAL POWER
71
reign of Akbar in the Jessore District and founded his capital
in a place whidi is now part of Sundarbans. His Biography,
one of the few historical ones, we have in Bengali was com¬
piled 60 years ago as a text book in the College of Fort William
—^a mosaic of Persian Bengali : the present memoir retains the
subject of the former but in a totally different style. The
work has been sought after in Germany, as throwing some light
on the condition of a Hindu Raja under the Mussalmans. It
mention's that the Raja’s ancestors, lived at Satgaon, then a
great emporium of trade, now a obscure village. They went
to Gaur, obtained influence there with the king ; Raja Pratap-
aditya received a grant of land in what is now Sundarbans, then
a fertile and populous district but refusing subsequently to pay
tribute, the Emperor Akbar sent-an army against him . . .
This shows that Sagar Island was an important place in
possession of Pratapaditya who had a naval base here.
Later during Aliverdi Khan's time, 160 sepoys were posted
at Kulpi to prevent the Maghs coming up the Hooghly river.
This is why Clive wanted to have territory upto to Kulpi in
Pargana Azimbad whose hereditary proprietor was the husband
of Munni Jan, sister of Mohisin.
In order to understand fully the naval establishment known
as the Nawara, it is necessary to trace the growth of the
Nawara from the navy kept by independent zemindars during
the Pathan period to the formation of admiralty by the
Mughals.
The immense wealth of Bengal brought about by her far-
famed industries was the prize province of the Pathan and
Mughal Rulers of Delhi. But it was a difficult province to
subjugate. During the Pathan period it was governed under a
sort of Feudal system with semi-independent chiefs on the
borders who have been compared with “Lords of the Marches”.^
On the north, these Chiefs, who were Pathans, protected
the country from the powerful Ahoms and Koches who, were
a constant menace. We find forts at Garh Jaripa, Killa Tajpur,
Killa Bokainagar in Mymensingh district which were presum-
^ Bengal under the Mahomodans by Sir James Boordillion.
72
MAGH RMNERS IN BENGAL
ably first occupied by the troops of the independent Sultana
of the Kingdom of Muazimabad. Laterly the Mughals wrested
them from the Pathans and we find descendants of Mughal
troops in Killa Bcikainagar'occupying revenue free landa even
in these days. In passing it may be remarked that Nathan in
his Baharistan always put forward his and hia father's name
as foremost generals. In the case of taking at the fort of
Bokainagaf, he ignores the names of some generals whose names
are prominently mentioned not only in the Sanad (granted to
the Mughal soldiers for occupying their lands rent-free) but
also in Rjiaz, and Tuzug. This I have clearly shown in my
article, “An Afghan Fortress in Mymensingh" in Bengal Past
and Present (Vol. XXVII 1924). On the extreme north-east
in Sylhet district was the Killa of Pathan Chief Usman where
he lost his life fighting against Islam Khan’s army which has
been recorded in Baharistan and mentioned before.
On the north of Mymensingh District was the semi¬
independent Raja of Susung. Raja Raghunath of Susung
accompanied Islam Khan in his expeditions against the East
Bengal independent zemindars. The Raja paid tribute in agar
wood, musk and elephant’s tusks. The renewed Sanad granted
by Emperor of Delhi bears Panja mark which is an imprint
of the palm of the hand with five fingers stretched. This is
preserved in the Record-Room of the Mymensingh Collectorate.
In West Bengal, we find Sahastaksa Dutt, the founder of the
Bansberia Raj obtained a Firman from Akbar in 1573, A.D.'
That there are different conceptions about independence is
shown by the fact that the Zemindar of Koraibari in Gkialpara
district while admitting allegiance to tho Emperor of Delhi,
fought over possession of land in the Garo Hills with the
Zemindar of Sherpur who had his own soldiers named Buxaries
(recruited in Buxar District). The Zemindar of Koraibari
paid revenue in elephants while those of Sherpur in money.
So the dispute in Sherpur and other adjoining Parganas between
the raiyats and the Zemindars in the early period of the nine¬
teenth century was not over non-payment of rent which was
considered sacrilegious but over the rate of rent which the
^ The family history of Bansbetia Raj by A. G. Bower.
CONSOLIDATION OP jfUGHAL POWER 75
Pangal Pantlus» as the rebels were called, claimed as fait* rent.
They preached the doctrine of Bhai Bhai, equality, fraternity and
their compatroits in the Garo Hills had to be suppressed by a
company of sepoys under British Captains. The houses of
Garos were burnt down.
On the north, there were independent kingdom of Tripura
and Cooch Behar who maintained their sovereign rights. Even
in 1761, the English Chief deputed at Chittagong found that
Reza Khan the Fauzdar at Chittagong, had sent an expedition
to Tripura to make the Raja pay revenue ^for his extensive
zemindari in the plains known as Chakla Rosanaba^. During
the last days of, the reign of Aurungzeb in 1687, his General
Ebadat Khan marched from Ghoraghat with a Mughal army to
take possession of Cuchwara Chaklas in Rangpur District, three
of which were held by the Cooch Behar Raja. After a long
struggle which ended in 1711, the Cooch Behar Raja although
victorious in battle, concluded a peace by which he agreed to
pay revenue for the three Cochwara parganas.—^Boda, Purubbhag
and Patgram.i
As the lands of these three parganas had been intermixed
with the State lands of Cooch Behar, they were unidentifiable.
The only basis of indentification and demarcation of boundary
were the Collection papers.^
At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Nathan
general of Islam Khan subjucated the Zemindars of Barda and
Jhakra in Midnapur. In West Bengal, the Malla Raja of
Bishnupur who was semi-independent defended the western
border.® *‘To the westward of Midnapur, there is a very large
tract of country comprehended within the limits of the province
but of which the zemindars taking advantages of their situation,
support themselves in a kind of independence. The continuance
of this independence is judged to be highly unsuitable to the
present situation of our Government.” Thus wrote Graham,
Chief of Midnapur to Ensign John Fergusson in 1767 who was
deputed to subjugate the chiefs.
^ Glazier’s Rangpur.
2 Ibid.
^Annals of rural Bengal Vol. VII.
74
HAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
Again he wrote about **these zemindars possessing the
jungles to the westward of Midnapur and which supported a
kind of independence notwithstanding they were avowedly
subordinate to the Province their rents being entered in the
Midnapur Cutchery books and most of them having always paid
a peshkesh or tribute of acknowledgement.” This shows that
Todar Mali’s rent-roll so far as these independent zemindars
as also with those of the Bhuiya's of East Bengal are concerned
was merely a paper transaction on the estimates in cases where
territories were not subjugated or collection papers available.
The Lieutenant who was ignorant of revenue system and relied
on the revenue entered in the cutchury books confused Todar
Mull to be a previous collector of revenue. He wrote, “For,
to do them justice, their country at present wears a poor
appearance and from mutual robberies committed on one another
and from the oppression of the Collector, Todel Mai (?) many
are not in a position to pay a considerable revenue.”
Again, “I really think from what I saw of the country, he
(Zemindar of Sanka Coolia) can not be in the same flourishing
situation which his forefathers were in, if I may judge from
the Tawer Mull’s Tuxeram Jumma.” It may said that Tumar
Asal jama based on the unit of assessment by Todar Mai was
fixed and unalterable. I have proved this in an article in the
Bengal Past and Present with regard to Pargana Atia extending
over Mymensingh, Pabna and Dacca Districts. It has been said
that once the East India Company wanted to raise the
Calcutta rate of Rs. 3/- per bigha for building a wharf. But
the Subedar at once nullified it saying that not only he but the
Emperor had no right to alter the rate.^
As a matter of fact, the zemindars on the west of Midnapur
were never brought under subjugation even by the Mughal
Fauzadars. They merely paid-peshcush or tribute.
In Bankura we find Baja Asudazzaman Khan who asserted
independence and against whom Mir Kasim sent an army under
Captain Yorke with disastrous results. Asadazzama Khan is
the Muslim zemindar mentioned in Bankim Chandra’s
**Annanda Math**. Other zemindars who rose against Mir Kasim
^ (Firminger’s Introduction of the Fifth Report).
CONSOLIDATION OF MUG^OAL POWER
76
were those of Birbhumj, Fachet, Hijli and Chandrakona.
According to Prof. Radha Kamal Mukherjee in his **Ch<mging
face of Bengal**, “During the last phase of the drama of
Bengal we find the Rajas of Burdwan and Bishnupur combined
against the British.” Nor were the lesser zemindars silent.
Sova Singh who was the zemindar of Chetor Barda rose in
rebellion. The borders of Bankura, Birbhum, Midnapur were
guarded against incursion of hill tribes and chaurs by Gbatwals
and chowkidars who enjoyed lands free of revenue.
*
The Maghs did not attempt to go up in the tributeries of
the Hooghly viz. owing to the short lengths of the Damodar
and the Rupnarain but mainly due to the powerful kings of
Bishnupur and Mallabhumi who had in his power to overflow
and drown the country that comes against him as happened
in the beginning of Soujah Khan's Government, who sent a
strong body of horse to reduce him (the Raja) these he suffered
to advance far into the country then opening the dams of the
river he destroyed them to a man.^ Besides there was the
dreaded Rai Beshi army. The Raja of Burdwan had also an
army of Nagdi troops which were 1200 strong even after the
assumption of the Dewani by the Company. Besides, at
Hariharpur in Midnapur District, we find a powerful faujdar
subject to the Orissa Governor posted in 1637, when the
English first came in Bengal.
These were the halcyon days of the Mughal Empire. The
Portuguese have been taken prisoners from their Bandel in
Hooghly in 1632 and the Bandel was destroyed. On the north¬
east coast of Bengal, although Sandwip was taken possession
of but Chittagong still remained in possession of th^ king of
Aracan supported by the Portuguese and whole east coast was
infested by the Portuguese pirates and slave traders. The naval
power of the Mughals was not strong enough to cope with the
Portuguese and they had established a slave mart at Piply at
the mouth of the Subamarekha river, which was in their
possession and it was “honoured with English qnd Dutch
Factories.”
^Interegting Historical events relating to the Province of
Bengal and the Empire of Indostan by J. Z. Holirell.
76
AlAGH BAmEBS IN BENGAL
In this propitious time in March 1633 the Agent of the
East India Company at Muslipatam on Coromondal coast
determined to send an expedition to open up trade with Bengal.
This is described in an account of a **Voyage to Bengalla, one
of the greatest kingdoms under the High and Mighty prince
Pedesha Shassallem usually called the Great Mogull. With the
state and magnificence of the Court of Malcandy kept by the
Nabob Viceroy or Vice-king under the aforesayed Monarch etc.”
Eight Englishmen with Cartwright merchant as leader
started in a junk but had troubles with'the Nakoda (pilot) of
a Portuguese frigate at Hursapore. Then they started by land
for Cuttuck or Malcandy the seat of the Governor of Orissa.
After taking various presents to the Governor, the merchant
asked for permission to trade without payment of any junkar
(custom). This was allowed on condition that English ships
will protect king^s ships in distress and supply them with
necessities if required. They enjoined not to make any prize
of any ship within the Mughal territories although belonging
to enemies of the English.
As regards the complaint of the Nakoda of frigate to “the
Nabob that She belonged to Pyplye^ a Portuguese town of the
Portugals, whom tiie Nabob affects not, where the Portuguese
were resident, and that Shee was not bound for any of the
Ports hee made short worke of the matter and put us all out
of the strife presently, for hee confiscated both vessell and
goods all the himself.” So Piply was claimed as a Portuguese
possession, fortunately it has now been washed away.
A curious practice at the Durbar is related thus :—^“Then
the Nolfie-man (Mersymomein—Mir Kasim) presented our
merchant (Mr. Ralph Cartwright) to the king (the Governor
Who was under the Subedar is called the king ( !) ) very
affably bended forward (in manner of a courtsie or respect)
and withall leaned his Armes on two men’s shoulders and
^ The slave^art where the Maghs sold slaves to the Portuguese
slave dealers.
How transactions regarding sale of slaves took ploce at
Piply is given in the extract from Harvey’s "History of Burma”"
Appendix A.
CONSOLIDATION OF MUGHAL POWER
77
slipped off his Sandall from his foote (for he was bare-legged)
and presented his foot to our Merchant to Kisse, which he
twice did refuse to doe but at the last he was faine to doe ;
then the king sate downe and caused our Merchant to be placed
by his brother.”^ .;
It is clear that the Orissa Faujdar was shrewd enough to
make friends of the English for purpose of strengthening the
position of the Mughals in sea infested by the Portuguese
pirates at the same time to preserve the International law for
not allowing the English to make prize of any vessel belonging
to the English with whom they were in constant war.
^ It would be interesting to know that in the Court of Ava^^
that one “Captain Symes was compelled to take off his shoes
before entering the King's palace and prostrate himself at the
Gateways.
CHAPTER VIII
DUALISM IN GOVERNMENT—SUBEDAR & DEWAN
Everybody is aware of the failure of Clive's dual system
of Government. It would be interesting to know how this
occured from the month of an English Collector. W. Lushington,
Collector of Houghly, wrote to the Chief and Gentlemen of the
Council of Reve?jue at Noorshedabad on ,9th March 1771 :—
‘T enquired into the origin of this office (kanungoes) and was
informed that it was instituted by King Akbar. His Predeces¬
sor had been satisfied with a Peishkush or Tribute, that was
annually paid into the Royal Treasury but Akbar thought proper
to take the Government into his own hands and placed it upon
a quite different footing from that which had prevailed before.
He defined and ascertained the limits of the three Provinces.
He appointed his own Soubehdars and Dewan tq each and
rraidered them accountable for the Revenues. To maintain this
entire Reform of Government, it was necessary to invest his
officers with considerable Authority and to enable them, by a
competent force, to keep in due Subjection the many refractory
Zemindars, that were at that time in the Province. Bengal
being remote from the seat of Government, Akbar judged it
impolitical to continue .... enlarged Powers in the same hands
any length of time. For the Country, just reduced to the
immediate Subjection of the Authority, was full of enemies to
his Government and he foresaw that an artful man, by means
of the powers held .... hiln, and the inclinations of the
Natives, to forward, and assist any Design to withdraw this
Province from his subjection, might deprive him of the country
if time was given to perfect their Schemes and Machinations
for that purpose. He therefore deemed it expedient to change
his officers every three years. But this fixed plan of changing,
subjected his Government to inconveniencies, from the in-
exp^i^ce pf. Successors. To remedy this defect, therefore, as
mudi as possible, he established the office of Cancmgoe and the
appointed business of it was to preserve the Records of the
DUALISM IN GOVERNMENT--SUBEDAB & DEWAN 79
Laws and Customs, which prevailed in the Revenue branch and
to keep resrular Accounts of the Collections : In the former
capacity, they pronounced the Iaw or Custom in doubtful or
Disputed Gaaes. In the latter they became a Check on the
conduct of the officers of Government but the influence of this
check, has long been in the decline, and within these 20 or 80'
years past, almost totally lost, and the only mnrk of the original
importance of this cffiice that now remains is the Right to
Examine and take account of all the Receipts of the Revenue
which indeed constituted that check which this office was intended
to have upon the Collectors. It appears then from the detail,
that diffidence in the integrity of the officers of Government
or rather the Soubahdars of the Provinces, first induced the
•establishment of this office. The influence of which began to
decline when the Soubhdars broke their fidelity to the king and
established themselves as independent princes over the provinces
that were in their charge and they now appear to me to be
reduced to the standard of Mohorees or common writers and
all the service that according to my judgement can result from
this office henceforward, will consist in the Records of past
transactions and to make the necessary use of them,, when
references to former Custom are requisite two Mahorees will
be sufficient who may likewise keep accounts of all receipts
of the revenue agreeable to former practice. However this
seems not so necessary now as it was heretofore, for the
officers of Government generally carried their accounts with
them to the city to be finally adjusted and those kept by the
Canongoc remained in record here ; at present those belonging
to the office of Dewan, will most probably remain here in which
case a second sett will be necessary. Upon the whole I am of
opinion that an advantage will accrue to Government to indivi¬
duals from a proper reform in this office. To the former by
.... number in it, in proportion to the utility that may be
derived from it, and the latter by recalling the Subordinate
writers from their stations in the .... where they are too
apt to abuse the influence given them by the nature of ... .
office. The offices of Wakana&ur Sawannanagur and Akbar
Noveeffs are .... all similiar to each other and differ nly
in the particular kind of intelligence that was to be communi¬
cated by each party. These offices have long been .... and
80
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
appear to me totally unnecessary. The office of Ihtasabh
Noveefs are .... all similar to each other and differ only
rectified the weights and measures in the markets and punished
those who deviated from them. They were likewise some
measure invested with the care of the morals of the people,
for they had the power to inflict the appointed punishment upon
those who were guilty of irregularities. They also had authority
to perform the marriage ceremony among the Mufsalman, but
this office now is generally administered by the Cauzy. The
appointment of this office, I understand, consisted in a jaghire
of land conferred upon the principal that resided at
Moorshedabad ; from whom allowances were received by the
Naibs or deputies in the Mofuzsul originally ; but the importance
of this office to the inferior Clafs of people rendered it so
beneficial to those who held it, that instead of receiving wages
from the Head Ihtasahb, it became a matter of interest to
obtain the appointment. The influence of all these offices seem
to have been totally absorbed in the absolute Authority exercised
and allowed to the officers of Government. The allowances to
the Canoongoes as stated in the enclosed paper, actually exist
now and exclusive of which they collect fees of office. Those to
the Waknagur Sawannanagur and Akbar Noveeas have been
discontinued this year, and the Ihtasahb, I understand, never
received any stipend in the Department of Phougedames. They
adjusted their allowances with the Principal at the City.”
It is stated that on the report of the newswriter (who
according to Baharistan possessed the finest house in Dacca),
Yaghma, the favourite and energetic Viceroy was recalled, such
was the influence of the news>writers, which sealed the fate
of Islam Khan—^the great Proconsul of Jehangir.
CHAPTER IX
IMPERIAL NAWARA
The following is an account of Nawara Mehal in Mymen-
singh District, to which most of the Parganas of Tippera were
included, gives an overall view of the Nawara Mehals :—
The “Nawara Mehal” was “established long before the
acquisition of the Dewanny which authorised a deduction from
the Jamma of each Pargana for the purpose of supplying boats
and dandies for the State and use of the Subah and also for
opposing the incursion of the Muggs. After the acquisition
of the Dewanny the greater portion of the Mehal was resumed
in 1772 as there was no necessity to maintain them for the
State or for opposing the Burmese and the proceeds of the
unresumed portion were enjoyed by the Nazim of Murshidabad
and the Naib Nazim of Dacca, being held as ‘Jagirs of the
boatman, carpenters and others’. These were in Tuppahs
Hazradi and Kurikhai and Parganas Jainshahi, Serail,
Nasirujial, Gundamandi etc. and Taluk Mir Bakar of the then
Mymensingh District. As a relic of the Nawara Mehals, we
find Mehal Tnaneswar Badla in Pargana Nasirujial held by
some proprietors whose ancestors were called ‘Majlis’. The
Nawara collections of Districts were made by the Collectors
and disbursed to these Nawabs in equal shares under orders
of the Board of Revenue, dated the 12th September 1806.
After the demise of Nawab of Dacca, the Nawara collections
were transferred to j:he credit of Government by the Board's
orders, dated the 6th June, 1823.^
The Mughals had a different system of administration
spiecially as Bengal was a far off province where there was
likelihood of any one in authority to gain power and declare
himself independent.
There was the Subedar or Viceroy who generally belonged
to the royal family or connected with it. He was the
^ Select Chapters on Mymenshingh.
6
82
MAGH RAIDEBS IN BENGAL
Commander-in-Ckief and he had Faujdars or Military com¬
mandants under him. He was also in charge of judicial
administration through Kazis and Muftis. For collection of
revenue there was the Dewan independent of the Subedar whO'
was in charge of the Khalsa Department. He was assisted by
permanent officials Kanungoes, Amils, Tahasildars etc. The
Kanungo was an officer of great importance. No sale-deeds
of properties was valid unless signed and sealed by the Kanungo.
No collection paper sent by the Dewan to Delhi was acceptable
unless similarly signed and sealed by the Head Kanungo. Then
there was the Intelligence Department. As already stated “The
offices Waknagur, Sawemagur and Akbamoveea" wrote Lushing-
ton, “are all similar to each other and differ only
in the particular kind of ' intelligence that was to be
communicated by each party”. Supervisor Boughton Rous
reported from Rajshahi :—^“They were officers employed under
the Vizier Ameer-ul-Omrah to collect all the occurences of the
different provinces and to transmit them to delhy.” Their
principals at the headquarters of the Nazim (Murshidabad)
were allowed to be continued “out of regard to the royal
institution even long after the assumption of Dewani by the
East India Company.” So we find that every official had a
check and counter-check and they were all directly responsible
to the Central authority at Delhi.
Thus under the Mughal rule the whole system of administra¬
tion was changed. The Bhuiyas and independent zemindars
were all to be subjected and brought under the revenue system
and assessment of Todar Mull.
The main task of subjugating them developed on Raja-
Man Singh. The Bhuiyas who were on the west bank of the
Meghna and Pratapaditya on the south, all submitted to nominal
subjugation. It was left to Islam Khaiit the young and able
Viceroy deputed by Jehangir to make the final bid for
subjugation. The history of their subjugation - has been told
in detail in previous chapters. Isa Khan retreated to his zemindari
and settled at Jangalbari in Pargana Hazradi in Mymensingh.
All prestige of Kedar Roy, Pratapaditya and Kirtinarayan waa
lost. Their fleets of war-boats were dismantled.
IMPERIAL NAWABA
83
The Mughals had now to depend on the Nawara of the
zemindars living on the east bank of thte Meghna and further
north in the Mymensingh and Sylhet Districts. These were
Baniachang in Sylhet and Bardakhat and Sarail in Tippera,
Joanshahi in Mymensingh. These Parganas were partly
Khalsa and partly Jaigir for supply of boats and dandies for
the purpose of State and for prevention of the incursion of the
Maghs.
No Pargana was allowed intact as Jaigir as in that case
the Viceroy may have entire control over the Pargana, which
was against the policy of Mughal administration.
. "The Nawara Jaigir included the best lands of the Neabut
of Dacca and was subdivided into numbers of small Taluks
which were granted to boatmen and artificers of the fleet”.i
The Jai'girs enjoyed for furnishing and manning war-boats
(Kosha) were mostly in the parganas mentioned above and east
of the Meghna through which the Maghs came.
The two shares of Joanshahi, the northern most pargana,
of Mymensingh furnished nine and ten war-boats and were known
as Nakosha and Dasko'sha Parganas respectively, even after
resumption they were known as Nawara Mahals. As a specimen
of the collection paper is given below the Hakikat Sthit jama
paper i.e. abstract papers of assets and collections produced by
the zemindars before the Kanungoes and Collectors and the
revenue were assessed on their basis.
Hakikat Sthit Jama Rupaya Pargana Joanshahi Hissys 8 ans
14 gandas 3 karas Sharkar Bajuhai Mahal Nawara zemindari
Sri Mahamud Monohar zemindar.
1. Asami 2. Mokara jama 3. Saranjami hissya IV 2 annas
4. Deshkarcha and Kharcha zemindar hissya 2^^ annas 5. Ekun
(Total) 6. Mathot j^ma-osoni 7. Ekjai (Total).
It may be noted that the Hindu scribe used ‘Sri* before
the name of the Muslim zemindar., showing the respect which
^ Sketch of the Topography and Statistics of Dacca, 184fO
by Dr. James Taylor.
84
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
the term carried in those days. In Sarail pargana, its three
shares were known as Sataro (17), Choudda (14) and At (8)
koshas thus a total of 29 war-boats had to be furnished. The
founder of the family was a rebel from Tippera Raj family who
embraced Islam.
The Tumar Asal jama or Tuxeemy jama was fixed by
Todar Mull, pargana by pargana. The revenue fixed was
unalterable being tuxeem Jama or fundamental rental. On
these were assessed various ahwabs or impositions.lt is also
used to designate the same standard assessment as under
Shah Sujah in 1658, and Jafar Khan (Murshid Kuli
Khan) in 1722. The Tuxim jama including dhvmhs were realised
from the proprietors. But the revenue was divided principally
under two heads, Nizamat or Jaigir, Dewani or Khalsa. The
Nizamat revenue was the amount payable to the Viceroy for
expenditure under various accounts as also for his personal
expenses. The rentals for Nawara lands were appropriated by
the zemindar in lieu of maintaining boats, and war-boats
equipped armed and manned to the use of the State and war-
boats in case of foreign attack.
According to Abul Fazl, elaborate regulations were framed
for the organisation of the Naval Department or Admiralty
**the office of Meer Behry” as it is called. There is a family
of Kulin Kayasthas in Bakergunj which is known as Meer
Behar. This shows that Hindus were employed in high posts
under the admiralty, Raja Raj,ballav of Bikrampur also entered
service in the Nawara.
It is not necessary to give the elaborate details of the duties
of each rank but the second duty enjoined will be interesting.
This is regarding the supply of men with their duties assigned.
(1) Nakhoda or Commander of the vessel some calls it Pilot.
(2) Manuim (the mate). (3) The Tmdeil —^The Chief of the
Khalasi's or Sailors. (4) The Nakhoda Kesheb to assist in
loading and unloading. (5) The Sirheing who Superintended the
docking. (6) The Bhandari —The Store-Keeper. (7) The
Keranee or Clerk. (8) The Sukangeer or helmsman. (9) The
Punjeree or observers from mast. (10) Goomtees who baled
out water. (11) Kh^rwak or common sea-m^n. Many of these
terms are atill in existence as we see in inland steamers.
IMFEaUAL NAWARA
When Shah Suja removed his Headquarters from Dacca to
Rajmahal he began to resume the Navirara Khelats. *The reason,
it seems, that scheme of zemindars of furnishing the necessary
war-boats utterly failed under the leadership of Munawar Khan,
the grandson of Isa Khan of Bhati and the Chief of the Bengal
Zemindars' flotilla.^ He bore the grand and pompous title
of Sardar-i-Sairal. It is said that hi's name has been given in
Manwar Khan or Monohar Khan Bazar near Dacca Railway
Station. The few boats that belonged to the Nawara were lost
and its name alone remained in Bengal.^
The famous Shaista Khan, who succeeded Mir Jumla as
Viceroy, began to build vigorously war-boats on behalf of
Government and manned them with dandies furnished by the
zemindars who enjoyed jaigir for the purpose.
“As timber and shipwrights were required for repairing and
fitting out the ships, to every mouza of the Province that had
timber and carpenters, baliffs were sent with warrants to take
them to Dacca.” The principal centres of ship-building at that
time appeared to have been in Hugh, Baleswar, Murang,
Chilmari, Jessore and Karaibari where “boats were ordered to
be built and sent to Dacca as many as possible.” Thus a
magnificent fleet of war-boats was built.
It is therefore clear that the services rendered by the
Bhuiyas were that of independent zemindars or Feudal Lords
who were charged with the duty of guarding the frontiers and
also preventing the excursion of the Maghs with their own
war-ships manned and equipped by their own men. Whereas
in the case of Nawara of the Mughals, the Bhuiyas or
Zemindars were required to furnish certain number of manned
and equipped war-boats from each pargana and in lieu thereof
certain portion of the revenue was remitted as Jaigir. The
Nawara was commanded by the Mughal generals.
The settlement of revenue by Todar Mull was, so far as
these Bhuyias were concerned like that of the Hill-Chiefs on
the west, was merely a paper transaction by andaz and not
^History of Bengal Vol II by Sir Jadunath Sarkar.
Blockman's History and Geography of Bengal.
86
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
based on cqllection papers. For, at the time of Todar Mull’s
assessment, East Bengal was not subdued, the Bhuyias being
brought under Mughal rule long after by Islam Khan.
“The revenue of Todar Mull's assessment had not apparently
been made on the basis of detailed measurement of the land
and regular computation of the assets of these Parganas”.i
In Shah Jahan’s reign, when the Assamese, Tipperas and
the Arakanese were all making inroads in the Mughul province,
transmission of treasures to Delhi ceased altogether. Even
stipulation of fixed payment of 10 lakhs failed. Sultan Sujah
came as Viceroy in 1638 and did not remove his capital from
Rajmahal which was safer than Dacca. His strong administra¬
tion of 20-years brought reorganisation. During Aurangzeb’s
reign the first Viceroy Mir Jumla defeated the Assamese by
taking war-boats up the Brahmaputra. But severe disease
shattered the whole army and it was during the tenure of next
Viceroy Shaista Khan, that the Nawara was established on a
sound basis.
Murshidkuli Khan made a reassessment and removed Head¬
quarters of the revenue collection to Murshidabad. His
persecution of the zemindars are notorious facts of history.
He further resumed these jaigirs and all the big zemindaris
were dismembered or settlement made with adventurers at his
Court.
He reorganised the Nawara fleet on a sound basis and
continued the resumption of jaigirs for Nawara.
"In Nawab Jafar’s (Murshid-kuli-Khan 1704-1726) rent-roll,
the strength of the naval establishment (Nawara) consisted of
798 armed crusiers and boats which was principally stationed
at Dhaka to guard the coast against Mugs and foreign pirates
and the number of sailors included 923 firingis chiefly employed
as gunners. The annual charge of the navy including construc¬
tion and repairs was fixed at Rs. 813452 which was levied under
the name of amalah-i-nawara from parganas in south-eastern
Bengal’’.®
^ Noakhali Settlement Report.
® Blochman s **History and Geography of Bengal in the
Asiatic Society Journal, 1878."
IMPERIAL N^ABA
87
“Besides the 768 (?) war-boats making up the nawara,
i;here were state barges for the Viceroy’s two vessels,
magnificently fitted up, had annually to be despatched to the
Emperor at Agra, though afterwards when the Mughal
Crovemment declined in vigour and the Nawabs of Bengal
became virtually independent, these state-boats, though avowedly
sent for the use of His Majesty, never reached higher up than
Murshidabad. The state-barges were distinguished by different
names according to the figures on their prows as “Mohrpunkee”
from that of a peacock, “Muggurchera” of an alligator etc.
Boating was then a general and favourite pastime with the
natives as it was with the Nawabs.”^
As regards war-boats, one will find variety of names such
as MahaZgiri, Garha, Kosa and many others in Bahariatan.
“In Chittagong, there was Musaiy Mahals, the possessors of
which never paid revenues to Government but held lands in
lieu of their services as coolies, lascars, gunmen as otherwise
to act in the fleet or armies that were sent against the Maghs
or to oppose invasion of the province.’’^
After the death of Aurungzeb, Nizamat and Dewani were
merged and the Nizam was nominally subject to succeeding
Emperors and paying the stipulated revenue. When this
ceased, the collecting of the Chouth of the revenue was made
the plea of the Marhatta invasion.
The Nawara Daftar at Dacca was well organised with
Dewans, Mutsuddis (Clerks) and .all other peraphernalia of a
Department. It is interesting to note that Raja Rajballav who
began as a clerk of the Nawara came into favour of Nawajish
Ahmed Khan, the uncle of Serajuddowlah.
In the Proceedings of the Committee of Circuit dated 30th
Oct., 1772, there is a list of State prisoners as also a list of
'“persons who receive an allowance in lien of former possessions
in Nawara lands’*. This is as follows :
^ Taylor’s Dacca.
^Chittagong Collector’s letter dt. 16. 9. 1770).
88
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
Meer Abdulla Daroga of the Nawara
by Royal Sunnud receive in lieu of
lands resumed
Rutteram & Co. 3-Bramin's, Astrolo¬
gers, held lands by ye. Nawarah
Jaghere by Sunnud
By Cant Ram Doctor held lands in ye
Nawara Jaghere by Sunnud
Radakissen by Royal Sunnud granted
to Bowana Sankar in ye Nawara
Jaghere supports the (deceased) dis¬
used formerly of ye late Dewan
Roy Mortinjoy
Dost Mahamed, a Doctor held lands in
the Nawara
Rada Benodie -do- ..
Sere Cant -do- ..
Mahamad Shaban held lands in the
Nawara Jaghere a Daroga of ye
Emerat in the Kellah
Rs. 90 per mensem.
65 4 0
f*
158
9
10
tf
9f
45
5
0
99
tf
00
2
10
99
9f
15
7
5
99
36 4 0
As has already been told before, the Nawara was entirely
resumed by Mr. Sykes in 1772 at Dacca. So there was the
virtual end of an institution created by the Mughals.
It is interesting to note that doctors and astrologers held
Jaigir lands under the Nawara Department. It is recorded in
Baharistan that astrologers fixed the time for. sailing of war-
boats. I have found from personal experience that in a notable
family of Muslim Zemindars the astrologer enjoying rent-free
lands came forward at the time when a member of the
family started on a journey, and offered prayers of benediction.
The head of the family explained that good wishes of any one
whether pious or irreligious, whether a muslim or not is heard
by God the Almighty according to the tenets of Islam. This
showed the catholicity of his views.
As regards doctors, it will be neen from the list above
that three of them are Hindus one a Muslim. The Hindus
IMPERIAL NAWARA
89
naturally prescribed Ayurvedic medicines. In Baharistan, we
find that one of the Mughal Generals carrying on expedition in
Assam under orders of Islam Khan fell seriously ill of
typhoid fever accompanied with brain complication. A
swift sailing boat was despatched to bring a physician of
named Chakraburty from Alapsingh (in the present Mymensingh
District extending about 30 miles both ways east and west of
the present town of Mymensingh). When he arrived, he found
the patient unconscious and delirious. He assured that if his
medicine named Bishbari (poison tablet) acted properly, the
patient will be all right. The medicine was powdered and after
great effort, it was poured through the throat of the unconscious
patient. The physician sat by his bed and told all present that
the action of the medicine will be evident if within 3 dandas
the patient wakes up and cry for water. At that time, the
coolest water from a well will have to be given. This came
to be true and the patient recovered gradually. The Alapsingh
Pargana, one of the richest jute growing areas now, was then
full of jungles and Baharistan relates of rhinoceros roving on
the shore were seen from the boats plying in the Bramhaputra.
I tried in vain to find out this Chakraburty’s family. It is
satisfactory to note that even on their first coming, the Mughals
appreciated the Ayurvedic System. It may be stated that
Afghan Usman made his first stand against the Mughals in
Alapsingh. This story shows the cultural unity inspite of diversity
in religious faith. As regards State prisoners who were paid
pensions frmo the resumed Nawara revenue, we have amongst
others the favourite Begum of Serajuddowlah—Begum Lutfunessa
and her beautiful daughter Ummat Johura receiving monthly
Rs. 600/- as pension, but wrongly included amongst Nawara
pensioners. After the battle of Plassey she and her daughter
were removed to Dacca and kept amongst other State Prisoners
of previous dispossessed Nawabs^ families in Dacca to bewail
her sad lot in a small room of Barakatra, and being every
moment reminded for her loving husband. This was upto 1772
when the Committee of Circuit went to Dacca. After that she
might have been brought back to Murshidabad, when all pensions
to prisoners were resumed by the Nawab. The following descrip¬
tion of Barakatra is given by Sir Charles D’Oyly, Collector of
90 MAGH RAIDEBS IN BENGAL
Dacca in 1824—*'The Great Katra is a stupendous pile of grand
and beautiful architecture, situated on the eastern bank of the
river near the centre of the city. The turrets are lofty and
of an octagonal form. It is divided into a vast number and
variety of apartments in which the poorest class of natives now
take Bhelter’^
CHAPTER X
MEASURES TAKEN AGAINST MAGH RAIDS
It has been told in the Preface that Forts were built in
West Bengal viz Hugh Fort at Sibpur and Hijli Fort, to prevent
activities of the Maghs in going up the rivers, by this measure
the Maghs could not go up the rivers and even if they did so
■could not escape pursuit as there were not innumerable khals
or small rivers to turn into. Moreover rivers like the Damodar
or the Rupnarain were short in length others were in moribund
condition. So we find in Kabi Kancan Chandi the boats sailing
safely passing by Indrani Pargana (well-known including
village Singhi the birth place of Kasiram Das, the writer of the
Mahabharat), Lalitpur, Bhowsinghi Ghat (near Katwa, see
Maharastrapuran) all in Burdwan District indicating its
prosperity and the and Materi in Nadia District (birth place
of Rammohan, the writer of Ramayan) and then Kalikata
(Calcutta) as being well-known in those days. Then boat enters
the domain of the Firinghis i.e. the Portuguese. The Magh
Fort at Sibpur repelled them from going beyond Calcutta. The
Commandant of the Fort was called Nazir and the Gunners
Golandazes.^
But things were different in East Bengal, there also
Mughals posted troops in the main land of Noakhali District
known as Rai Beshis or the Hazaris® in Chittagong, to prevent
coming of the raiders by land but they were of no effect against
the Maghs coming in hundreds of swift moving boats.
About the Rai beshis, we have related under chapter on
Sandwip. “The Hazaris (king's servants) or Jematdars rose in
Meer Afzal’s Government in the year 1148 B.S. (1741 A.D.)
^ In the artillery proper, the low-caste Hindus and Muslims
supplying only the gun lascars though dignified wdth the title of
’Golandas. Military History of India by Sir Jadunath Sarkar.
^ In the hand gun branch most of the captains (called
Hazaris) and men were Hindus otf Oudh and Buxar. Ihid.
92
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
and again they rebelled during Maha Singh’s Government
(1763-1768). All these happened before Chittagong was ceded
to the English in 1761.
So although these Rai B-eshis or the Hazaris were unruly
and of turbulent disposition, they were no match for the Maghs
or the Feringhis in their swift sailing boats.
As to forts, we have already stated in the Preface about
the forts in Backergunj district marked in Rennell’s map of
1771. There were forts near about Dacca to prevent the
incursion of the Maghs and the Feringhis, some of which were
manned by the Portuguese gunners^ as they were established
during the Mughal period. These are shown in Van Den
Browcke’s map of 1660.
I have referred to Muckwa Fort or Magh’s Fort. It was
generally supposed that the Fort was built by the Portuguese.
But during investigation of old records in connection with a
^'Report on the Rights of Government in the Foreshore lands
<m both banks of the River Hooghly**. I discovered the fact
that it was built by the Independent Bengal King Hussain Shah
long before the advent of the Portuguese in Bengal.
In this connection, I many state that the discovery was in
connection with a casual enquiry and shows how much historical
materials lies hidden in the Record-Rooms and a regular research
scholar by a study of the records in the Record Rooms of Bengal
may unearth many valuable materials.
«
Below is given the history of this fort. In Van Den
Brouck’s map, the Fort is shown as Thana Killa this was owing
to a Thana or Fauj,dar’s headquarters being at the spot.
Sultan Husian Shah who built the Fort was very popular. He
was given the title of Nripati Tilak and Jagat Bhusan. The*
whole of modem 24 Parganas was included in his dominion is
“Akbar's conquest of Bengal increased his artillery personnel
by the enrolment of Feringhi mercenaris who had formerly served
the indepmdent Bengal Saltans and now joined him for a
livelihood.” Military History of India,
MEASUBES TAKEN AGAINST MAGH RAIDS 93
proved by the reference in Chaitanya Bhagabat by Brindabandas
to Chhatrabhog on the Ganges (Diamond Harbour Subdivision,
footnote at page 161 History of Bengal Vol. II). It is natural
that he would exert his utmost to repel the Maghs from his
territories.
In 1782, Major Kyd applied to the Committee of Kevenue
for a grant of Tanna Fort and the grounds appertaining to it.
“Five persons styling themselves Tannaders of the Fort delivered
on the 26th April 1786 a long narrative wherein they stated the
origin of their rights. They stated that Hussain Shah who
reigned in Bengal, before the conquest by the Moghals, first
established the Fort, the ruins of which are still known under
the denomination of Mugg’s Thana or the Muggs’ Fort to repel
the invasion of that predatory people and that Noor Muhammad
was the first Commandant and they have no claims to the 138
bighas situated in pargana Arsha which they represented was
occupied without any grant of any kind by the Golandazes
entertained directly by Government and who being paid in ready
money had no good claim on the territory they are in possession
of.” In Chitanyacharitamrita Madhyalila, King Hussen Shah
is mentioned as Padshah showing the independent character of
the ruler.
With regard to Major Kyd’s application, the CJommittee
stated that “with respect to the 138 bighas occupied by the
Golandazes, the Committee did not think it proper to remove
them unless Major Kyd shall be able to satisfy them”.i Later
with regard to this 138 bighas the Board ordered to assign to the
Golandazes and those few whose lands have been likewise
appropriated for the Botanical Garden altogether 148 bighas
9 cottas equivalent spot from the extensive space occupied by
the Nazirs of the Fort at Komalnundapur (Khomanandapur
jurisdiction List No. 76 in Thana Syampur, District Howrah),
appertaining to pargana Mandalghat under Burdwan.”^
^ Proceedings of the Committee of Revenue dated the 12th
August 1782.
^Original Consultation 24 Revenue Departm«it^ 8th June,
1787.
94
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
It is therefore be apparent that the Portuguese had no
connection with the Fort, even no Portuguese gunners^ were
appointed as in the Nawara fleet or in the Forts of East Bengal.
The Commander of the Fort held a very high position.
After being driven away from Hughli, Job Ch^mock stayed at
Sutanati for a season to select a site for English Factory, away
from the Fouzdar and suitable for purchase of merchandise from
the 'extensive hinterland on the east. After all, it was not a
“chance directed and chance erected” site but it was the out¬
come of a well-thought out plan. Job Ghamock was elated when
the servants of the Commandant of the Fort came to greet
him on his return back next year after receiving the Firman
of that greedy Prince Azimushan. Aurungzeb chastised him
for his private trade by saying when have you learnt this
savda-i-Khaa which is another name for insanity (Savda in
Arabic means madness).
In East Bengal, at the same! time, Paragal Khan established
himself at Paragalpur on the Big Fenny River as has been
stated before. But all these were of no avail against the
Maghs, who continued their depredations undaunted. They
carried their victims to the vessels of the Portuguese pirates
and other slave dealers awaiting for them.
In Mukundaram's Kabikankan Ckandi there is description
of a voyage “afteir passing through Indrani Pargana, Lalitpur,
Bhowsingh Ghat, Mederi, Kalikata etc. the fleet of boats pass
to sea which was the country of the Feringhis and the boatmen
ply the boats day and night for fear of the Harmads
(Portuguese Armada). According to Dr. Dinesh Chandra Sen
(Bang€t,bhasa>-0-Sahitya) this passage is an indication of the
fact that the whole of the sea-coast of Bengal was infested by
Portuguese pirates.
^ After the conclusion of Thirty years* War (1618-1648)
many European soldiers were recruited in the Afughal army.
The result was that the technical leadership of the Mughal artiUcry
Departmmit passed into Christian hands with a few pure-blooded
and trained Europeans at the top many mestizoes under them
and a Icmg train of pure Indian Christians at bottom called Topases.
Military History of India by Jadunath Sarkar.
MEASURES TAKEN AGAINST MAGH RAIDS
95
This is supported by the extract from Streynsham Master—
*‘None durst inhabit lower down the river than this place
(Muggwa Fort)''. So virtually beyond Calcutta, it was the
dominion of the Portuguese. Laterly during the regime of
Aliverdi Khan 150 sepoys were posted at Kulpi. The pillar at
Kulpi is over the grave of a Portuguese lady named Manna
Bibi according to local tradition. It is said that there was
another fort at the month of the Rupnarain, near about Haldia.
After being appointed the Viceroy of Bengal by Emperor
Jehangir, Islam Khan removed his capital to Dacca, mainly for
subjugating the Bhuyias of East Bengal. The last of these
expeditions was against Pratapaditya of Jessore. Nathan, the
author of Baharistan, got married on his way back from the
successful expedition against Pratapaditya. But the newly
married couple were not left to the peaceful enjoyment of their
honeymoon. An express courier from Islam Khan suddenly made
his appearance on the way when Nathan was leisurely coming
back to Dacca. The Maghs had fallen upon the outpost of
Bhulua (Noakhali) and frantic calls for assistance came from
that outpost as well as from the outpost at Sripur. “You are
to take your rice on the way and water in my presence”—said
the message from Islam Khan and on arrival he was commanded
by Islam Khan to proceed immediately against the Maghs. But
Islam Khan was stingy and grudged the newly married
lieutenant ample provisions for the expedition. This made the
young lover bitter. He sturdily refused to go against the Maghs
with insufficient provisions. “I shall see that you go” roared
the zuberdust Subedar, *T also would see what sort of Subedar
you are that can make me go” cried the stubborn youngman.
This was in 1610 when “we find the Arakanese aiding the pirate
chief of Sandwip to prevent the entry of the Mughals into
Bhulua and invading the country by sea and land”.
“The Arakanese who had suddenly fallen upon Sripur with
300 warboats carried on their plundering activities with
impunity, beating and burning a good many villages and
hamlets and carrying away a large number of captives. The
villages and the people round Bhulua shared the same fate
Islam Khan sent a relieving force under two generals but it
arrived after the raiders had left. The Arakanese hastily with-
96
MAGH RAIDESS IN BfINGAL
drew from Bhulua also leaving desolation and distress in their
train." (Baharistan 68-69a).
Islam Khan defeated the combined forces of the Raja of
Arakan and Portuguese pirates under Sebastian Gonzales, then
in possession of Sandwip and commanding an army of 1000
Portuguese, 2000 Sepoys, 200 cavalry and 80 well-armed vessels
of different sizes who both made a descent upon the southern
part of the province laying waste the country along the eastern
bank of the Meghna.^
“After the defeat of the Arakanese in the year 1610, two
<Tenerals—one Hindu and another Mahammedan—^were appointed
to guard the frontiers against invasion and received grants of
land, the land given to the Hindu became in course of time
known as Jugdia and the other being again divided, formed
the parganas of Dandra and Allahabad."^
“In Jahangir’s reign, the Magh pirates used to come to
Dacca for plunder and abduction by the nvUah which leaves
the Brahmaputra passes by Khizirpur and joins the nullah of
Dacca. Khizirpur situated on the bank of the Brahmaputra
on a narrow embankment (a/). In the monsoons all the land
except the sites of the houses is covered with water. The
Governors of Dacca, therefore, at the end of the monsoons and
during the winter, which was the season of the coming of
the pirates, used to go to Khizirpur with an army and encamped
there. After some years, the nullah dried up and many places
in the track of the pirates on the Brahmaputra river also
became fordable. Thus this water route to Dacca was closed
on their side and restricted to the side of Jatrapur and
Bikrampur. Recently as the pirates could more easily carry
out their chief design of kidnapping men in the villages of
Dacca and other paraganas, they did not exert themselves to
reach Dacca Town.”® In 1620, the King of Arakan sailed up the
^ Indian Shipping.
* Noakhali District Gazetteer.
® Sarkar’s Studies in Mughal India p. 127 basing on
Shihabuddin Talish.
MEASURES TAKEN AGAINST. MAGH RAIDS
97
river to the neighbourhood of Dacca plundering villages and
making captures.
**From 1620 onwards, the Mughals had maintained an out¬
post at Noakhali to guard the mouth of the khal there, but the
Muhammadan soldiers were no match on the water for the
pirates who in their light galleyis swept the whole coast and
often i>enetrated forty miles inland up the mouth and branches
of the Meghna.”! This view was in confirmation of the remarks
of contemporary historian Shihabuddin Talish as has been stated
before in the Preface.
Again, “Matters came to such a pass that the Governor of
Dacca confined his energies to the defence of that city alone
and the prevention of the coming of the pirate fleet to Dacca
and stretched some iron chains across the nullah of Dacca and
set up some bridges of bamboo on the streams of the city”.®
It is recorded “The city of Dacca was plundered by Maghs
in 1625.® This was following the year when Shah Jehan rebelled
against his father and Dacca was in turmoil. The Maghs and
the Portuguese joined the rebel prince.
In 1638, the Assamese made a hostile descent in Bengal
from their boats sailing down the Brahmaputra but were
repulsed. The Maghs at this time continued their depredation
in the southern part of Bengal. The established rental of the
country was at this time almost entirely absorbed in jaigirs
assigned to protect the coasts from their ravages and such was
the reduced state of the revenue that Fedai Khan obtained the
Government on condition of paying ten lacks of rupees a year,
five lacks to the Emperor and the same sum to Noor Jehan
Begum in lieu of imperial dues ; while on the invasion of the
Assamese, it is said, not a single rupee was remitted to Delhi.
Matters instead of improving became worse and worse owing
to the continued dilapidation of the Bengal fleet on the one hand
and the growing power of Maghs and Firinghis on the other.
^ Noakhali District Gazetteer.
® Sarkar’s Studies in Mughal India.
® Phayer’s History of Burma.
7
98
MAGH BAIDEBS IN BENGAL
It is stated that during the reign of Arakanese king;
Narapadigyi (1638-1646) in 1638, the Magh ruler of Chittagong
Mengre, was obliged to surrender Chittagong to Mughal
General Islam Khan. This Mengre was known as Mukut Roy.^
This cannot be correct for in 1633, Islam Khan was not the
Viceroy. There must be some other than Islam Khan or the
date may be wrong.
After this, during the Viceroyalty of Shah Sujah, there was
no effective check, the capital having already been removed to
Raj,mahal from Dacca. **When im,A.D. 1639 Prince Sujah waa
appointed Viceroy, great confusion wak caused by his negligence
and the extortion and violence of the clerks (mutsuddis) ruined
the parganas assigned for maintaining the Nowra (fleet). Many
naval officers and workmen holding jaigir or stipend were over¬
powered by poverty and starvation”.® In 1639, Shah Sujah
even accepted presents from Dilal Khan, the bandit usurper
who played the Robin Hood.
In the reign of Aurangzeb, Mir Jumla came to Bengal as
Viceroy in 1660. With a view to guarding against invasion from
Arakan, he built several forts at the confluence of the Lakhya
and the Ichamati in Dacca district and constructed several
military roads and bridges in the vicinity of the town of Dacca.®
According to late Mr. A. C. Sen, Ichamati is an ancient river
which passed through the modern districts of Dacca, Fabna,
Faridpur, Jessore, Khulna, 24-Parganas etc.^ It has been
divided by the Padma and subsequently by the Jamuna in 1787.
It was through the Ichamati that Islam Khan came in his
expedition against the independent zemindars of East Bengal
to Dacca where he established his capital.
After the death of Mir Jumla, the Bengal flotilla, supplied
by the zemindars was utterly ruined and taking advantage of
this, the pirates early in the year l'664 appeared before Dacca
“and defeated Munwar Khan, zemindar who was stationed there
with the relics of the Nowara—a few broken and rotten boats-
^ J. A. S. B. Vol. XV, page 284-236.
® Indian Shipping quoting from contemporary authority.
® Taylor.
* Report on the Agriculture in Dacca district.
MEASURES TAKEN AGAINST MAGH RAIDS
99
and bore the high title of Crusing Admiral (Sardar-i-Sairal)
and the few boats that still belonged to the Nowara was thus
lost and the name alone remained in Bengar’.i
At this juncture, Aurungzeb appointed Shaista Khan, the
ablest of Mughal generals in 4ais Court to the Viceroyalty of
Bengal. Shaista Khan proceeded in his work of building up of
the Imperial Nawara.
After having a i)owerful Nawara of war-boats, Shaista
Khan engaged in dislodging the Maghs and their confederates
the Portugese from Chittsygong. Instances of Portuguese
influence are innumerable. Many fruit trees were introduced
by them, our furniture and. writing materials all bear
Portuguese names. Among the fruits one of which is
rare in Bengal except in the coastal areas of Midnapur district
is the nut^ which was in early days of East India Company
specially valued by the Europeans.
“To secure bases for the war against the Firingis® of
Chittagong, he concerted various measures as stated before
leading to the conquest of Chittagong.
Naval battle of Chittagong
“Nabab Shaistakhan posted an officer with 200 ships at
Sangramgara where the Ganges and the Brahmaputra unite, and
another at Dhapa with 100 ships to help the former when
required. Then the island of Sandwip was conquered by
defeating Dilwar, a run-away ship Captain of Jahangir's time^
At this time a section of the Firingis under their leader Captain
Moore deserted to the Mughal side. The imperial fleet was
placed undeii. Ibn Hussain. It consisted on 288 ships as
described below :—Ghrabs 21, Salb 8, Kusatts 7, Jalba 96,
Bachri 2, Parenda 6, Unspecified 3, Total : 288. Ibn Hossain
^ Indian Shipping.
® Cashew nuts —anacardium Occidentale, an American fruit
imported in India, it is supposed by the Portuguese. South
American. Acajou Ind Kaji. Hol»son Jobson.
* Farangis, Franks, St. Thomas Mount, near Madras, is
called in I'amil Parangi Malai, from the original Portuguese
Settlement.
^ It is a confusion with Dilal Khan (page 41).
100
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
advanced with the Nawara by the sea in cooperation with the
army advancing by land, the Nawab himself arranging to
supply the expeditionary force constantly with provisions. The
first naval battle was fought on a stormy sea the Arakanese
were put to flight and ten Gharabs captured. The two fleets,
with larger ships again faced each other and spent the night
in distant cannonade. In the morning the Imperial fleet
advanced towards the enemy, with sails in the first line, then
the Gharabs and then the Jalbas and last the Kusas side by side.
The Arakanese retreated in the Comafuli river. The Moghals
closed its mouth and then attacked and captured the Arakanese
navy consisting of 135 ships viz :—^Khalu 2, Ghrab 9, Jangi 22,
Kusa 12, Jalba 67 (68 ?), Balam 22.”' The desertion of the
Portuguese has already been told at page 42.
**Boozurg Omed Khan (after whom the Pargana Buzru-
kumedpur was named) the son of Shaistah Khan (Subedar of
Bengal) uncle to Aurungzeb conquered this province from the
Maghs in the Bengal year 1072 (1666-1666 A.D.) no revenue
being then collected, the expenses for maintaining it were paid
from Dacca and in this state it remained for many years ....
and for "the nawarah or fleet of arm^d vessels to defend the
country (Chittagong alone) from the Maghs amounts to about
eighteen thousand rupees paid by the Dacca Nabab”.^
Before this final conquest of Chittagong, it was invasion
by the Maghs in East Bengal, which afterwards turned into
raids. It is with these raids, we are mostly concerned but
accounts are meagre and sources limited. During the adminis¬
tration of Ibrahim Khan II, the Maghs and the Portuguese took
advantage of his weak administration and carried away 1500
men and women within a short time from Jessorc.
The formidable Nawara built by Shaista Khan and
maintained later on had no permanent effect in repelling the
Ma^hs, although it was maintained in full strength by
Murshid Kuli Khan, and during Aliverdi Khan’s Viceroyalty as
already stated Dacca was attacked and plundered by the Maghs
in 1748 and the English Factor was in dread. In 1761, Mir
' Indian shipping.
^Chittagong Chief's letter 1761.
MEASURES TAKEN AGAINST MAGH RAIDS
101
Kasim, ceded Chittagong along with Midnapur and Burdwan
to the English. Verelst with two other took over charge of
Chittagong.
He wrote about expansion of trade to the Governor and the
Committee as follows :—First Aracan—a passage for trade into
this country by land as well as by water may increase the
expense of many of our master's imports without enumerated
what may be—procured in return. The knowledge your honour
etc. must have of country will point out whether any of the
products can turn to an account or not. Should no immediate
beneflfiis arise by trade, yet a connection with country by a
correspondence and friendship with those people may hereafter
prove beneficial for the following reasons. The putting a stop
to he inroads of the Muggs a people of Arracan the annual
invaders of this country and the oppressor of our Tenants not
directly under our protection by land or water. Secondly, the
assistance and support any ship in their passage being in their
passage in the Bay of Bengal or drove by distress into any
of their ports might receive. These we esteemed consideration
of such consequence as to render a correspondence eligible—
the Chief according the 16th ultimo layed before us translate
of a letter he purposed to address to the King of Arracan as
follows :—
“Cossim Ally Cawn, the Subah of Bengal our good friend
and Ally granted to us lands and priveleges (?) of the Province of
Chittagong and we are come to settle here in order to establish
trade and prosperity through the country.
“The English name so justly admired and respected in
every part of the world, I make no doubt, is well known to the
Court of Arracan yet I gladly embrace this earliest opportunity
to assure you of my friendship and mutual harmony and
intercourse must be mutually advantageous—I hope it will be
in every respect be satisfaction to you and our alliance continue
on a firm and lasting footing to the end of the world.
“The Justice and Equity in our Dealings, we hope, will soon
enduce your subjects to trade with us—^their lives and pro¬
perties on the faith of the English name shall be as safe as
102
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
slave market of Hughli, simply because his officers had proved
under your own protection.
“Whatever goods they may bring they shall have an
immediate and good price for and also the choice of many in
return the like privileges and security. I hope, we may promise
ourselves in trade with your country.
“I shall be glad of the pleasure of an answer from you
which I request I may be favoured with by one of your faithful
and sensible servants.’*
Later the Chief informed—^“The King of Arracan some¬
times ago returned a genteel and satisfactory answer to the
Chief’s letter .... and deputed some persons of his own to
confer with us, they assured us of their Master’s friendship
and his desire of a free and open communication. The protec¬
tion our people should always meet in his country and in order
to firm intercourse betwist country they requested us to
endeavor to clear away and cultivate the large tract of land
that now, lays in jungle and divides Arracan and Chittagong—
that we should not choose to undertake it, their Master with
our permission would.’’ To the letter we informed them we
intended as soon as possible to clear away such lands and with
another letter in answer and a present t6 the King^ they
returned again to Arracan.
This is the precursor of Neabad or new cultivation of
Chittagong. The design of the Aracan King to appropriate
land was foiled.
4
It is clear that the incursion of the Maghs did not cease
after the acquisition of the Dewani by the East India Company.
In 1769, the Chief of Islamabad wrote to the Chief of Dacca
as follows :—
“I am informed that boats fit for persuing the Arakaners
have been built by Mr. Smith at SootaJlory under your directions.
If you can spare ten or twelve such for the use of the Factory
(at Lakmipur, present Noakhali) and will please despatch them
hither with all possible expedition they may be at this time
be of signal service ; They should be well-manned with good
Toweara and a guard of sepoys come in them ; as many of the
MESURES TAKEN AGAINST MAGH RAIDS lOS
Arracan boats are within these days gone to the northward.
These ravagers have lately appeared in great numbers on this
coast and carry away the inhabitants daily from different parts,
tho’ they have been closely persued by our vessels and boats
with Capt. Grabb’s detachment on board. In case you assist
us with proper boats, I hope I shall be able to intercept them
on their return.” The refsult, however, is not known. It
appears from the Proceedings of the Committee of Circuit the
Dewani boats were repaired at Moidapur near Backergung, a
seat of boat-building industry of Bengal.
‘Tn 1772 the greater portion of the Nawara Mehals were
resumed as there was no necessity to maintain them for the
■state or for opposing the Burmese and the proceeds of the
unresumed portion were enjoyed by the Nazim of Murshidabad
and Naib Nazim of Dacca being held as jaigirs for the boatmen,
carpenters and others.”^ There were no requirement of boats
for State i’.e. for the Nizamat and the depredation of Maghs
had lessened. Cash revenue was fixed for the zcmindaries.
The depredation of the Maghs continued as has been stated
before and 18 inhabitants who were released in 1778 were sent
back to their respective homes in the interior by the Collector
•of Chittagong.
^ Select Chapters on Mymensingh.
CHAPTER XI
SLAVERY IN BENGAL
From the account of Megasthenes, the famous ambassador
of Greek King Seleucus to the Court of Chandra Gupta, it
appears that slavery was unknown in India. But Dr. Chanana
in his recent book on “Slavery in Ancient India” has disproved
this common belief by references to various sources. A
reviewer has summed up Dr. Chanana's book as follows :—
"On the basis of Megasthenes, there has been a tendency to
deny existence of slavery in Ancient India or to represent it
as rare and of a mild form. In his very able and scholarly
study Dr. Chanana proves that ancient Indian society was based
very largely on slave labour, both in the household and on the
land. He bases his exposition mainly on the unconscious and
indirect evidence afforded by the Sanskrit epics and, even more,
by the Pali Buddhist texts. We see, for instance, that by the
time of the epics the terms ddsa and dasi for male and female
slave had ceased to have any ethnic connotation, since Draupadi
could be called a dasi as soon as her freedom was forfeited.
Slavery also cut across caste barriers, since one category of
slaves was prisoners of war, who would be mainly kshatriyas,
at any rate in the oligarchies. The slave, male or female, had
absolutely no rights : a man enslaved lost the right even to
his wife and children, could be put to any kind of work and
beaten, mutilated or even killed. The study also builds up a
picture of the conditions of life and work of slaves and the
type of food and clothing they could expect. * Finally it traces
the gradual changes that arose with changing political and
economic conditions, till safeguards for certain categories of
slaves had arisen by the time of Kautilya.
The custom of keeping and selling slaves were in extant
in Bengal from time immemorial. But they were not harshly
treated as depicted above.
In Dayabhag, according to which the Hindus of Bengal are
governed, by Jimutbahan it is stated “The slaves were regarded
as absolute property of a person and were inherited by his
successor. It is laid down in the Dayabhag that if there is a
aingle female slave inherited by more than one she must serve
SLAVERY IN BENGAL
105
in turn, the different owners during specific periods according
to the number of shares held by each.”i
In the Preface it has already been stated about the seizure
of Portuguese in their Bandel at Hooghly in 1632, was on the plea
that they were slave-dealers. About this Dr. S. N. Sen says :—
is admitted by all that if Hughli was not a nest of pirates
it was a slave market to which both Magh and Portuguese
pirates had free access. It is there that they disposed of their
unlucky prisoners. Slavery, it is true, was an institution
recognised by Muslim and Hindu law but it is the elementary
duty of every State to provide for the security of life and
property of every one of its members. Shah Jahan could not
permit his subjects to be bought and sold like cattles in the
slave market of Hughli, simply because his officers had proved
unequal to the task of defending their persons against the
rovers of Chittagong and Arakan.”® .
But so far as Bengal is concerned, the slaves were not
severely dealt with but domestic slaves were treated as members
of the family and the sons through slaves sometimes inherited
properties.
Females captured by Maghs were sometimes sold to
dealers as Bharer Meyes in the slave marts of Pipli and Tamluk
and those captured in West Bengal were sometimes carried to
East Bengal Districts.
"‘About the middle of the 16th century, taking advantage
of the Civil War at Chittagong, over ten thousand people of
Bengal who were held in slavery there by the Firinghis
escaped to their home lands. On the other hand, after
Chittagong was captured by the Mughals in 1666, two thousand
Maghs who were taken as captives were made slaves and sold.
But the moat glorious fruit of the campaign was the return
and restoration to home of many thousand Bengal peasants vrho
had been kidnapped before by the pirates and held in
Chittagong in serfdom”.®
According to the regulations made by King Ballal Sen, a
Kulin (high caste) lost his excellence by taking an adopted son
^ Colebrooke’s Digest of Hindu Law.
® History of Bengal Vol. II, p. 381.
»Ibid.
106
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
and he lost his kulinism by marrying in the family of a dangar
(slave). According to the Kayeatha Bangskabali evfiry one of
the high caste used to have Sudra dashis as supplementary
wives. Their children used to be treated as legitimate children
in the family. They took the title and gotra of the family and
used to perform the duties of servants of the family. If there
were no heirs of the head of the family, they used to inherit
the property just as Emperor Chandra Gupta. The children
used to be treated as being property of the Karta of the family.
There are examples of such in Dayabhag and Mitakshara.
There were many slaves like these among the Gaur Kayesthas
and still there are. But they now have separated from the
family not being included in the family. At this time, those
who are engaged as servants of the Kayesthas are the offsprings
of the slave girls or Dashis. In Chandrawip Samaj
(Backergunj) they are called ^‘Dangar”.^ In a narrative by
an Englishman visiting Orissa to establish trade centre in 1632,
it is stated of the people-T-“They have many wives which they
purchase and buy of their parents : some they keep to be their
Vassals to do their Drudgery, others which are handsome, for
issue’s sakei and pleasure.” On the other hand, capturing of
hill people was prevalent in the beginning of seventeenth
century and hill peoplei were captured to serve as slaves to
sister of Nathan author of Baharisan.
The practice of inheritence by sons of slave girls was extant
amongst the tributary Chi'efs of Orissa who were declared to
be independent under the British by the Calcutta High Court.
In answer to the twentith question of the twenty-five question¬
naires issued to determine the custom and practices of succession
amongst them, it was answered that owing to succession by
the sons of Fulbibahi (Ranis of other castes) "in every
Garhjat, the sons of slave girls are now on the Gudee. It
may be noted that these Fulbahis or slaves sacrified themselves
along with legal wives on the funeral pyres until the practice
of Sati was supz%ssed by €k)vemment.
We have instances of innumerable kobalas (deeds of Sale)
executed by the guardians of minors selling their wards for
^ Kayestha Bangshabali quoted in Surendra Mohan Ghosh'
Cliowdhury’s Kayast^ Bangghamala.
SIAVEBY IN BENGAL
107
■domestic services and these slaves remained as slaves for
generations and lived in the family of purchasers without
molestation or ill-treatment. In East Bengal, even to this day
some families are looked down as being descended from
“Golams” meaning slaves. It is stated that the Noapara
zemindars with whom a portion of vast property of Kedar Rai
was settled turned 790 families of ryots into Nafurs i.e. slaves.
In 1764, when one Mr. Ross was robbed by dacoits at Dacca,
amongst the many things taken away were 4 slaves who were
valued at Rs. 240 in the inventory. This class of slaves were
purchased ostensively from legal guardians, whose purchasers
resold them to other persons. All sale deeds of slaves like
sale deeds of immovable properties, had to be authenticated by
the seal and signature of the Kazis, without which sales were
held to be invalid. In Calcutta, the sale-deeds had to foe
authenticated by the Zemindar of Calcutta before a re-sale in
Calcutta. This zemindar of Collector was an English servant
of the Company.
Here is a Calcutta story of 1771. The Collector of Calcutta
wrote to the Council of Revenue at Durbar (Murshidabad) that
two slave boys had been brought to him with their sale-deeds,
executed by one Muhamadan in favour of the purchaser
Anthony Caitano. The deeds were suspected to be not genuine
as they only bore the seal of the Kazi but not his signature. The
versions of the boys also bore a different tale. The elder of
the boys stated that he lived with his mother in the outskirts
of the city (Murshidabad) and he was decoyed by one Jhonny,
the tale of the younger boy was also the same but he could
not name any relation or friend. The boys along with the
purchaser were sent from Calcutta to Murshidabad. On
verification, it was found that the story of the boys were
correct and the sales were falsely effected by the naib Kazis
who affixed the seals to the sale deeds. The elder boy was
restored to the mother and the naib kazi was made to pay back
the purchase money. But the other boy had to be made over
to the purchaser as he could not name any friend or relation
to whom he may go.
These stories are not unlike the stories of young boys w^ho
were recovered near Bandel in Hooghly District from Goondaa
108
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
who changed the boy’s names and employed them for nefarious-
purposes.
In June 1774, Hastings enquired about the “custom then
prevailing in the country of keeping or selling slaves”. In
July of the same year, opinion of Subordinate authorities was
asked about the rights of masters over the offspring of their
slaves and it was observed that the right should not extend
beyond one generation. On 18th October 1774 in a letter to the
Court of Directors, Hastings as Governor informed that slavery
was abolished. This was two days before the assumption of
the office of Governor-General by Hastings. It seems that the
abolition was of future sales and re-sales of existing slaves or
of one generation of their offspring, who iwlpre allowed to be
retained. The second and subsequent generations of slaves
became automatically free.
We find evidence of slavery in Calcutta itself. Sir William
Jones in a charge to the Grand Jury in the Supreme Court of
Calcutta in 1785 delivered the following :—“Hardly a man or
woman exists in a corner of this populous town, who hath not
at least one slave child either purchased at a trifling price, or
saved perhaps from a death that might have been fortunate
for a life that seldom fails of being miserable. Many of you,
I presume have seen large boats filled with such children coming
down the river for open sale in Calcutta. Nor can you be
ignorant that most of them were stolen from their parents or
bought perhaps for a measure of rice in a time of scarcity.”
The Regulation of Hastings was more in the nature of paper
transaction like similar social legislation where there is no
support from both parties like the Sarda Act. This will appear
from the interesting Report of Mr. Duncan which gives an
account regarding slaves in Sandwip and may be taken as
being the conditions generally prevalent in Bengal.
Nor did the slavery cease until very much later. In a
report on Sandwip dated 22nd September 1779, Mr. Duncan
gives the following account of slavery as it then existed in the
Sandwip island.
“This unfortunate race of mankind bear in Sandwip a
larger portion to the other inhabitants than perhaps in any
other district in the province, there being hardly a house-holder
however otherwise indigent that has not at leaat one and the
SLAVERY IN BENGAL
109
majority many in their families. This number also vary, soon
increased by marriage to which they are encouraged by their
masters, the custom of the country being such that on a free
woman marrying a male slave, she by the act reduces herself
and family to be the perpetual slaves of her husband's master
who also continuing even after to retain him, her and their
heirs in the same perpetual bondage, they soon become
numerous. I have been assured that Abutorab, the late rebel
chowdry, had more than fifteen hundred slaves, heads of families
and whom he distributed in separate houses which he alloted
them to live in. This multitude in Sandwip proceeds principally
from the cheapness and plenty of grain it annually produces,
which as often as there is any scarcity in the other Dacca
districts attracts people to Sandwip, where on such occasions
it has been common for many of them to sell themselves and
their property for a bare maintenance. In a place where
slavery is so prevalent, there will always be some cases of
hardship, such as undue and most oppresive acquisitions by
pretended purchase, children enticed away and deluded to sell
themselves for the merest trifle before they arrive at years of
discretion. On the whole, however, I only set free fifteen slaves
and their families at liberty if they had any and got the
matter compromised between four others and their masters.
Yet no part of my proceedings created more general apprehen¬
sions than my taking cognisance of this particular part of
Sandwivian grievances, because all the principal people were
immediately interested ; there being probably many of their
slaves whom they acquired and hold in a manner that could
hardly bear the test of regular trial ; they therefore endavoured,
as I had heard, to keep them at home so that it was only a
few perhaps who by accident making their escape gained
access to complain to me ; which must account for a much
greater number not having been heard and redressed since I
uniformly set free all these on the Bill of Sale or Title Deed
of whose purchase there was proven to be any defect arising
from either the parties having been sold when young by persons
not entitled by the custom of the country so to dispose of them,
or from children's having been unduly decoyed away from the
parents and made slaves or by selling themselves when very
young.”
110
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
And that slavery was not peculiar to Sandwip appears
from a letter written in the year 1790 regarding the prevalence
of the practice of selling children, though this related to
parganas which now form part of the Tippera District. There
are no records to show how the practice was stamped out.
Indeed the company recognised slavery and ordered its officers
to try cases regarding slaves according to the law of the land
and it was not until 1811 that the importation of slaves from
foreign countries was prohibited and not until 1832 that the
sale of persons into slavery was made a crime, but there is no¬
reason to suppose that it caused much misery, for it is recorded
“that slaves are treated as the children of the families to which
they belong.”^
Thus we see that the efforts for abolition of slavery and
slave-trade, closely followed the strenuous and life-long efforts
that great humanitarian William Wilberforce. The abolition of
slave trade throughout the British Empire was effected in 180T
and the emancipation of slaves took place in 1834.
The fate of the descendants of the Indian slaves emanci¬
pated in West Indies is not known, possibly they preferred to
live in the land of their forced adoption. It would be interesting
to know if any families retain Indian surnames. But an
interesting remnant of slaves taken by the Maghs is survived
in the tribe known as Tipperas living in the South of the
district of Chittagong. A more primitive and interesting
section of the tribe (commonly known as Tipperas is scattered
about Banderban circle in the South of the district. They are
said to be descendants of Tippera slaves taken to Arakan.
Even now there are 300 slaves in NEPA who are being freed
after Independence by Grovemment paying compensation to the
owners.
We hear of beautiful girl slaves being sold in the-
oil-rich Saudi Arabia at fanciful prices in one it being equivalent
to Rs. 90,000 of Indian money. So long as man will not be able
to look upon another as a brother there will be slavery. In
Rajasthan Bhils are kept as Sagri (Slaves) by well-to-do farmers
in lieu of money lent.
^ Noakhali District Gazetteer.
ANNEXURE
MAPS—THEIR UTILISATION
(Clippings A and B to illustrate" pit falls in the utilisation of
contemporary unscientific maps)
Maps are essential for the proper understanding of the
narration of events. In Bengal, with its innumerable rivers and
their ever changing courses .and names, maps on a critical and
scientific basis are essential.
For example, it will be seen that the modern Rupnarain
does not run in the same course as Pathargotta river of Van
Den Broucke’s map 1660 nor does it bear the same name in
S. Masters’ Diary and Map. It is called Rogues’ River as the
Maghs entered it in their raids for selling of slaves at Tamluk
after emerging from East Bengal to the present Hughly river.
Bengal known as Nadimatrica —the land of innumerable
rivers, with their tributeri'es and khals is naturally liable to
flood, erosion and reformation. Sir William Wilcocks, the
advocate of flood irrigation, in an illuminating lecture in 1932
beautifully expressed the descent of the Bhagirathi following
Bhagirath to Sugar overflowing the whole country side, curbing
out a new and active channel, the Bhagirathi, which is not
uncommon even in these days.
The change in th'e course of the Tista in modern age is
told in the words of the Collector—^**10 the month of August
(1737) Tista which had flowed south west from Jalpaiguri to
the Ganges met with obstruction in its course and turned its
mass of water into a small branch running south east into the
Bramhaputra forcing its way among the fields and over the
country in every directions and filling the Ghagat and the
Manas in every direction.
“There are many accounts of the sudden inroad by the
water and the drowning of a large number of persons. One
instance may be noted as a sample of many. A peon had been
despatched to fetch some ryots who were in arrears with their
ANNEXUitS
113
Tents, the village was overwhelmed during the night, and all the
houses were swept away, the peon was the only living creature
that escaped, and he remained for three days on a stack of
straw in the midst of the vast waters, when he was picked
up by a passing merchant boat"-.
It is therefore, essential that the map used for proper
understanding of events must be of the period to which the
events related. In Bankim's novel Debi Chowdhurani, Bhavani
Palhak and Debi Choudhurani whose exploits are related,
operated in the Karatoya river on the eastern boundary of
Rangpur and Bogra and it is the river in which Bhowani
Pathak was killed in July 1787 and not the Tista which now flows
through Rangpur, whose change in course occurred in August
1787. Ignorance of this has led to many fantastic naming of
places and railway stations. A boat dug out during excavation
of a tank has been identified by some as Debi Choudhurani’’s
budgerow.
The events related in the previous pages are mostly of the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The first map of India of
which we know so far, is that published in 1754 by Jeon
D’Anville. Considering that it was compiled from rough
charts, itineries, travellers' accounts etc none of them with
actual measurements, it gave the general configuration of the
country with wonderful approximation to realty. The first
Englishman who followed the method was James Rennell. In
actual experience, in course of relaying Rennell's map in a
locality I found this wonderful approximation to reality. It
is unnecessary to give details of cases in which the highest
courts of justice have accepted Rennell's map as accurate.
Of the period we have related, there are John Thornton's Chart
of river Hooghly and Bay of Bengal, Hedge's survey of 1686.
Master's Diary and map, John Ritchie’s map of 1770 just
proceeding Rennell’s. But the map which has been generally
referred to by historians for the purpose of illustrating 16th
and 17th century events is Van Den Broucke's map of Bengal
of 1660. The late Dr. N. K. Bhattasali made a special study
of this map especially for reference to the routes to Dacca. As
regards the route of the Maghs, he has proved that they came
all the way up the Bramhaputra and entered Dacca through the
114
MAQH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
Lakhya side. In this connection he wrote an articles in the
Bengal Past and Present in 1936 and reproduced the map which
was previously published in the Prabasi. With all this efforts
and knowledge of the locality he' had to admit that the location
of some places were faulty. In this connection, I may state
that years ago, I tried to mark out the course of the Ichhamati
through which the army of Islam Khan came to Dacca and which
has been so vividly described in Baharistan-i-Ghaibie a manus¬
cript discovered by Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar. I have got a collec¬
tion of mars of the locality but unfortunately could not work on
them. From the little work I did, I found that even such an emi¬
nent authority as Sir Jaduiiath has been misled as I have pointed
out the instance of Shahazadpur which Pargana is in Dacca and
should not be confused with the town of Shahazadpur in Pabna
which is well-known as being the Kutchuribari of Rabindranath
where he stayed sometimes.
My justification in relating these facts is that if we use
Van Den Broucke’s map for any purpose it should be with
great caution.
Dr. Bhattasali has with great care and caution corrected
the map to represent the places and course of rivers referred
to in his article.
In the recently published work of the emment historian Sir
Jadunath a map has been given showing the position of the various
localities, in the battle of Tukaroi. This very nearly covers the
locality of map B which shows Van Den Broucke’s Map. It
will be seen that in the map of site of battle^ Jaleswar has been
shown east of Dantan and east of the Subamarekha following
Van Den Broucke. So for the purpose of locating the island of
Piply and the slave market of Tamluk from the map, some sort
of triangulation method will have to be done from modem maps.
Any casual observer will see that maps A and B
cannot be fitted in with any modem maps of the locality.
Now with regard to some identification, we have Patragatta
River—^probably the Rupnarain as Tamboli (modem Tamluk) is
shown on its bank. Naraingar (Nareingar) is shown north-west of
Tamluk whereas it is south-west. The Orissa Trunk Road through
ANNEXUBE
115
Naraingar and Danton to Orissa has been marked. This was the
road taken by Mughal Generals Munim Khan and Todar Mall
in pursuit of Baud and the battle of Tukarai took place near
Dantan. The map shows Jellesore as on the east of Dantan
whereas it is on the west bank of Subamarekha. For
our purposes it is to find from the position of Tamluk
position of the island of Fiply which has been washed away.
Below is given some place names in Van Den Broucke’s map
which can be identified Baccator=:Pargana Bakla in Backerganj
District. Bandel=Bundil, Barduann=Burdwan, Baranagar=
Baranogor (the Dutch Settlement) Connackel=Khanakul (the
birth place of Raja Rammohan Roy) Chandemagore=
Chandemagore (The French Settlement). Again, Collecatta=
Calcutta (It may be noted that the map gives the real name
anglicised one) Carpoor FiTingi=Sripru
Firingi. Danthon-^-DAntan, Jelloor=Jallesore (Orissa) Jasoore
=Jessore, Medinipur=Midnapur, Narpigarz=Naraingar (on
Orissa Trunk Road) Ougli=Hughly, Patragatta Riverr=
Rupnarain river, Pipeli=Pipli, Sancram=:Sangramgarh at the
mouth of the Meghna.
APPENDIX A
EXTRACT FROM HARVEY S HISTORY OF
BURMA
The Arakan pirates both Magh and Feringhi used
constantly to come by the water route and plunder Bengal.
They carried oflf the Hindus and Mahomedans that they could
seize, pierced the palms of their hands, passed thin strips of
cane through the holes and threw them huddled together under
the decks of their ships. Every morning they flung down some
uncooked rice to the captives from above, as we fling grain
to fowl. On reaching home the pirates employed some of the
hardy men that survived such treatment in tillage and other
degrading pursuits. The others were sold to the Dutch, English
and French merchants at the ports of Deccan. Sometimes they
brought their captives to Piply in Orissa ; anchoring a short
distance from the coast they Sent a man ashore with the news.
The local officers, in fear of the pirates committing any
depredation or kidnapping there, stood on the shore with
number of followers and sent a man with money on board. If
the terms were satisfactory the pirates took the ransom and
set the captives free with the man. Only the Feringhis sold
their prisoners. But the Maghs employed all whom they had
carried off in agriculture and other services. Many high bom
persons and Saiyads, many Saiyad-born pure woman, were
compelled to undergo the disgrace of slavery or concubinage
to these wicked men. Mohamedans underwent such oppression
as they had not to suffer in Europe. As they continually
practiced raids for a long time, Bengal daily became more and
more desolate and less and less able to resist them.
Not a house was left inhabited on either side of rivers
lying on their track from Chittagong to Dacca. The district
of Bakla (Backerg^e and part of Dacca) which formerly
abounded in houses and cultivated fields and yielded a large
revenue as duty on betel nuts, was swept so clean with their
broom of plunder and abduction that none was left to tenant
any house or kindle a light in that region. The governor of
afpenddP a
117
Dacca had to confine his energies to the defence of that city
only and to the prevention of the coming of the pirate fleet
to Dacca ; he stretched iron chain across the stream. The
sailors of Bengal flotilla were inspired with such fear of pirates
that whenever a hundred war-boats of the former sighted only
four of the latter, the Bengal crew thought themselves lucky,
if they could save their lives by flight ; and when the distance
was too short to permit escape, they—rowers, sepoys and
gunners alike—^threw themselves overboard, preferring drown¬
ing to captivity. Many Feringies living to Chittagong
used to visit the imperial dominions for plunder and abduction.
Half their booty they gave to the Raja of Arakan and the
other half they kept. They were known is Hermad (Armada)
and owned a hundred swift Jalia boats full of war material
Latterly the Raja of Arakan did not sent his own fleet to
plunder the Moghal territory, as he considered the Firing!
pirates in the light of his servants and shared their booty when
Shayista Khan asked the firing! deserters, what salary the
Magh king had assigned to them, they replied "our salary was
the Moghul Empire. We considered the whole of Bengal as
our fief we had not to bother ourselves about court clerk and
revenue surveyors, but levied our rent all the year round
without difficulty we have kept the papers of division of the
booty for last forty years.
^ Year 1670 circ, Shihabuddin Talish Soldier and historialt
see Jadunath Sarkar History of Aurangzib Vols III, p. 224 and
J. A. S. Bengal 1907 his The Feringi Pirates of Chatgaon" p. 422.
APPENDIX B (1)
NOTES ON A TOUR IN THE CHITTAGONG HILL
TRACTS IN 1926 BY J, P. MILLS»i ICS.
The Chittagong Hill Tracts form the hinterland of the
District of Chittagong, the long boundary between the two
districts following the base of the hills. Marching with the
Hill Tracts to the North is the State of Tripura, and to the
East of and behind them are the Lushai Hills and the Arakan
District of Burma. Even since the days of the Mogal conquest
the inhabitants of the Hill Tracts have paid tribute, first in
cotton and later in money to the paramount power which held
the coastal belt of plains. Indolent and unwarlike however
they were never able to protect themselves from Lushai and
Kuki raiders and in order to safeguard those from whom we
received tribute we took on and administered this hinterland
from 1862. It now forms a district of the province of Bengal.
Its administration has always presented peculiar problems and
it was while on deputation in connection with one of them that
1 was able to record the notes on which this paper is based.
Save where it borders on the Lushai Hills and Arakan the
district contains no hills of even a respectable height, and the
bulk of its inhabitants are valley folk, hugging the rivers which
provide their chief means of communication. The ranges
which run through the district are low and remarkably straight,
often only a few hundred feet in height and rarely exceeding
two thousand. All are of soft sandstone and laterite and there
is no supply of stone such as could be put to any cultural use.
Many of the valleys are so broad and flat that as one looks
across the rice fields one might almost imagine oneself in the
[' The following short biography of late Mr. Mills has been
kindly supplied by the British Information Service :—Bom in 18.90.
Education in Corpus Christie College, Oxford. Entered I.C.S. in
1918. Posted to Assam, Retired in 1947. Reader, School of
Orimtal and African studies. University of London 1948. President
Royal Anthropological Institute 1951-1968.
Publication—The Ihota Nagae, The Ao Nagas, The Rengma
Nagas.]
APPENDIX B ( 1 )
119
plains of Bengal. Others are a mere jumble of laterite and
sandstone hillocks, with here and there a few plots of ground
levesl enough for the plough. The rivers, save where they
emerge from the higher ranges, meander over sandy beds. The
Kamaphuli, for instance, the main river of the district, is
navigable for Bengali boats for 85 miles from Chittagong up
to Subalong. Here some short rapids where the river runs
over a low outcrop of rock form an obstacle. Above them again
the stream is navigable for many miles. The scenery, as one
travels by river, is varied. Sometimes high banks of mud are
all one sees on either side. In other places steep, heavily wooded
cliffs of sandstone run down to the water. The rainfall is
heavy and the climate exceedingly unhealthy for much of the
year.
Maghs.—These are essentially valley folk and I saw no
village which was not on the bank of a stream. They are almost
certainly of Tai origin, their ancestors being the Tai Long
(Greater Tai) who were driven out of China towards the south
and south-west.* The earliest home, however, of which they
have any definite traditions is Arakan, whence they migrated
early in tke 17th century into what is now Cox*8 Bazar sub¬
division. There they split up. Some migrated further into
Bengal proper, while two bodies entered the Chittagong Hill
Tracts. The first to arrive were the Southern Maghs, under
the leadership of the Chief of the Phru family of the Ragreisa
clan. They occupied the territory drained by the Sangu and
its tributaries in the south of the Chittagong Hill Tracts
District. Later the Northern Maghs, under the Chiefs of
several clans of which the Palangsa was the most important,
moved north along the coast, and settled for a long time on the
Sitakund range, to the north of Chittagong. Having jhtmsd
that country out they turned east, and crossing a narrow belt
of plains, entered the low hills along the Tripura border in the
north of the Chittagong Hill Tracts District.’i There they settled.
* Fide Le May An Asian Arcady, page 4.
^ Owing to the close affinity of Maghs of Tripura State and
iihose of the north of Chittagong Hill Tracis thia description fits
in with the former.
120
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAT^
finding the country empty save for a scattered Tippera
population. This migration did not come to an end till early
in the 19th century^ and the longer sojourn of th-e Northern
Maghs on the coast of Bengal has caused them to lose many
of the Burmese characteristics which the Southern Maghs
still retain.
Magh villages usually contain from about 10 to fifty houses,
but are generally small. They are invariably built on the banks
of streams. The houses are flimsy structures of bamboo on
bamboo piles and consist of two main rooms, each with a
separate door opening out on to the big sitting-out platform,
and a small store room at the back. The climate is too hot
for a fire even to be necessary for warmth, and for cooking a
hearth is built in the corner of one of the main rooms. It
consists of a bed of clay and three clay cylinders on which the
cooking pot rests. These are obviously substitutes for hearth
atones in a country where nothing but laterite or soft sand¬
stone is to be found. The eaves of the house are low and
stretch far out over the sitting-out platform, which invariably
faces the East. It is under these eaves that the family sits
during the day, retiring inside at night to sleep on mats in the
breeze which blows through the thin bamboo matting walls of
the house. The sitting-out platform is railed round and the
only approach to it and so to the house is up a notched log,
which is either pulled up or reversed at night.
In villages in which the houses are arranged to form a
street there is often at one end of it a roofed platform on which
the men sit and talk. This is probably a* survival of the
morung found in Assam. In one Northern Magh village
(Maischari) I saw on the ground near one or two of the houses
rough, low, strongly built huts, j,u8t high enough for^a man
to crawl into. I was told that they were used as shelters
during hurricanes. Most villages boast a little Buddhist temple,
which is always built well apart from the other houses.
On the site on which it is proposed to build a new house
a pole is set up, and to the top of it is fixed a model of a
bow with an arrow on the string and pointing skywards, the
idea being that evil spirits are thereby frightened off.
APPENDIX B (1)
121
Though the Maghs are now Buddhists they admit that they
were once head hunters. Only faint memories of those days
remain and I could learn no details. They say that after the
heads were brought in they were welcomed by the women and
were then buried, but where and in what position I could not
ascertain.
The tribe is divided into endogamous clans (Osa or Sa)
with descent in the male line. A clan is usually named after
the stream or place near which the original ancestor is said
to have lived. The Northern and Southern Maghs each contain
their own group of clans, and a village, unless big, is usually
inhabited by the members of one clan only. A man may marry
any woman of his own clan who is not a near blood relation.
Marriage outside the clan used to be strictly forbidden and I
was told that members of different clans would not even eat
together in the old days. Nov/, however, these restrictions
have been greatly relaxed and marriage outside the clan is by
no means uncommon.
The langvxige is ArakanesCt a dialect of Burmese. There
are slight diferences of dialect between the Northern and
Southern Maghs. Burmese characters are used. In figures the
Magh is short and sturdy. The face is broad and rather
Mongolian and the complexion a sallow brown. The men
usually have a straggling moustache and occasionally a beard.
By the men of the Northern Maghs Bengali dhoties are
now worn, but most of the Southern Maghs wear Burmese
dress—a silk lungi, a jacket and a white puggaree. Often
intead of a puggaree a man will twist a jaunty piece of coloured
silk round his head. The dress of a woman varies little through¬
out the tribe. She wears a long silk skirt, striped horizontally,
of which the predominating colour is usually red. When there
are no strangers about this is often the only garment of both
young and old, but in public a piece of lined, home woven silk
is bound over the breast or tucked into a black string tied
round the body about them. A dark coloured jacket is also
worn by some. A white puggaree is worn, sometimes with
embroidered ends.
Many individuals of both sexes have the teeth blackened
with a certain sap but the custom is not universal. Tattooing
122
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
is commoner among the Southern Maghs than among the
Northern. Men are tattooed on their arms and women on the
backs of their shoulders and of their hands. The only “patterns”
I saw were words in Burmese characters. The operation is
done by Maghs learned in the art who come up from, Cox’s Bazar
in the cold weather, and the instrument used, I was told, is a
little bamboo molder into which three ordinary needles are
fitted like a nib. The word to be tattooed is marked on the
skin and pricked over with the tattooing instrument. This is
operated by the right hand and guided against the side of the
forefinger of the left. The sap of a certain tree is finally rubbed
into the perforated skin.
Popular though the recently introduced plough is among
the Maghs jhuming is still carried on. The method, which is
the same among all the tribes I saw in the Chittagong Hill
Tracts, differs somewhat from that with which I am familiar
in Assam. The jungle is cut in the early spring and is bui'nt
as soon as it is dry. Three crops are then sown simultaneously
in drills—^vegetables, rice and cotton. These come to maturity
in that order and are gathered in turn. Land is only sown
once and is then abandoned for a term of years, instead of
being sown twice as in Assam. During the hot weather the
villages of the valley tribes are abandoned and the whole
population moves up to the jhuma till after the rice harvest.
The grain is stored in round matting bins in the houses and
not in separate granaries. For hoeing little adze-shaped hoes
of Bengali manufacture are used. Nearly all Maghs use the
Bengali husker, which is worked with the. foot. Only in one
or two villages did I see rice being husked by hand with a
pounding pole in a cavity hollowed out in the end of a short
log, bobbin shaped and set up on end on the ground near the
house. A single Bengali pounder is usually shared by several
households and is kept in a shed specially built for it. The
houses are too flimsy for any pounding to be done in them.
The winnowing fan is a circular tray of bamboo matting.
Lungia and jackets are usually bought, but skirts and head
cloths are woven at home. Silk thread is bought but cotton
thread is home-spun. The cotton is seeded in a machine with
little rollers working reverse ways, identical with that used by
APPENDIX B (1)
123
Thado and other Kukis in Assam. It is then ginned with a
bow, the string of which they twang not with the finger, as
Nagas do, but with a smooth piece of wood shaped like a
penholder with a blunt end. This bow-twanger I found used
by all the tribes I saw in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. In
Assam I have only seen it among the old Kukis. After being
ginned the cotton is rolled into ''sausages’* round another thin
piece of wood and the thread spun with a simple spinning
machine. This machine, too, I found throughout the Hill
Tracts, save among the Mros. The loom is of the simple tension
type, and boat-shaped shuttles of wood or horn are used.
Though no Magh blacksmith was at work in any village
I visited I was told that daos and knives are still made in a
few places. The bellows, my informant told me, are of the
type found in the Naga Hills, and consist of a pair of upright
bamboo cylinders, with pistons padded with feathers laid with
their tips downwards. Handsome silver pipes are made by
Maghs. Wood-carving appears to be a lost art. The only good
specimen I saw was an old musical instrument called
a “crocodile harp", which was carved in the shape of that
reptile.
When matches are not used fire is produced by the method
used by the Kacharis and Old Kukis in Assam and all the other
tribes I saw in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. A piece of bamboo
about a foot long is split in two. On the outside and near the
middle of the half used a notch is cut deep enough to perforate
it. A thong of bamboo or cane is pulled backwards and
forwards across this notch by the operator, who meanwhile
holds the piece of bamboo firmly on the ground with his foot.
The friction against the edge of the hole scrapes a fine dust
off the thong. This dust is forced through the hole and lies in
the trough of the inner side of the bamboos. As the heat
increases it smokes and finally glows.
The Maghs nowadays have no weapons save guns and daos.
Tradition definitely states however that they used to have both
shown an ancient square leather shield. For killing birds
pellet bows are used and long blow guns. Nooses are used for
snaring. Fish traps are generally of the Bengali pattern but
124
MAGH RAB)E»S IN BENGAL
conical traps lined with cane thorns are still occasionally to
be seen. The only toys I saw were stilts, used by little boys.
The feathers of the Great Indian Hornbill were used aa
fans and ornaments in the old days. I never saw any carving
of this bird. The earth from its nesting hole is, however, used
as a medicine. Another medicine one sees in houses is a
species of fungus which is dried and ground up and made into
an ointment for sore nipples.
The official religion is Buddhism and yellow-robed priests
are to be seen everywhere especially among the Southern
Maghs. But many primitive elements remain. The belief in,
evil spirits is strong and charms are plentiful. On the outer
walls of houses are put little saucers inscribed with texts in
Burmese. Inside the houses, over and on either side of the
inner doors, are pointed pieces of bamboo marked with trans¬
verse black lines. These are known as ‘‘crocodile teeth.”
Exactly similar charms are put outside their doors by the
Nagas of the unique village of Sembhor in the North Cachar
Hills, and very similar wooden ones by Kachha Nagas of the
Maruongmai group in the same area.
When a man falls ill it is often thought that an evil spirit
has captured his soul and is holding it to ransom. A small
offering to appease the spirit and buy the soul’s release is then
made on the path, as among Nagas. To cure headache a little
grid of bamboo strips is set up on a stick outside the village.
When a child is bom the navel string is cut with a bamboo
knife. Steel may on no account be used. Nor may the mother,
during the days of her uncleanness, use any spoon other than
a ground one. The afterbirth is buried in the clay of the
hearth and dug up again after three days. A small portion is
then kept in a hollow bamboo and the rest thrown away. These
customs are most strictly observed even in the household of
the Bohmaung, the Chief of the Ragretsa clan and leading Magh
of the district.
The bodies of the dead are burned on the banks of streams.
For their spirits lamps are lighted under pipal trees and
offerings made for seven days. These offerings are made on the
APPENDIX B (1)
126.
anniversary of the death till the heirs get careless. All offerings
to the dead must be made with the left hand. I saw two types
of what might be called funeral monuments. One, of which I
saw several samples, is a mound of earth in tiers, like a
wedding cake, revetted with bamboo matting. On the top are
placed some pots and a lamp. Another type I saw at Patag in
the Northern Magh country. In a field in front of a little
Buddhist temple was an area of beaten earth fourteen yards
square and fenced round. In this were set up thifty high poles,
each of which was surmounted by a pagoda-like ornament of
paper with hanging decorations of pith. There was a lamp at
the foot of each pole and another at the top attached to a
pulley by which it could be lowered to be lighted. Above the
pulley was a roughly carved wooden bird, which I was told
was a paddy-bird but which looked remarkably like a hornbill.
The lamps are lighted in honour of the dead, to whom offerings
of rice, milk, etc., are made for a period of thirty days while
the crops are ripening—clearly a fertility rite.
The bulk of the property of a dead man goes to his sons.
One-half goes to his eldest son, one-eighth to his daughters and
the rest to his other sons equally.
Tipperas*—A more primitive and interesting section of the
tribe is scattered about the Banderban circle in the South of
the district. They are said to be the descendants of Tippera
slaves taken to Arakan long ago. The men wear white waist
clothes of which the black embroidered ends are left hanging
down at the side. The comers are decorated with cowries.
Above they wear white home-spun jackets. Their heads are
shaved at the sides and back like those of Nagas and small
Vugga/rees are worn, with the ends hanging down over their
right ears. In the lobes of the ears are cylinders of bamboo,
from which hang crescent-shaped ornaments of silver. Small
blue and white beads are immensely popular, and both men and
women load their necks with strings of them. The dao is carried
pushed through the ’waist-cloth at the back.
The women wear a skirt of black and grey, with brown and
black edges. Before marriage they usually cover their breasts
with a narrow, tight strip of red and brown cloth, with cowries
126
MAGH RAIDEBS IN BENGAL
at the comers. The hair is worn in a big bun at the back.
Armlets of black beads are often worn above the elbow.
Through the top of the ear a spiked ornament of silver is wom»
and through the lobe a crescent-shaped ornament.
Though nominally Hindus they readily admit strangers to
their houses, which resemble those of Kukis. A house consists
of one big room, with sliding doors and a narrow verandah at
either end.
Their methods of cultivation and their industries are
identical with those of the Maghs. For weaving they sometimes
use a tubuler shuttle of the Chakma pattern. Birds are shot
with a short blow-gun.
APPENDIX B (2)
NOTES ON THE MAGHS OF COX'S BAZAR
Regarding th-e Maghs of the Cox's Bazaar subdivision,
Babu Manindra Kumar Sen, district census officer, Chittagong,
has furnished the following notes from information supplied by
Rai Sahib Bipin Bihari Rakshit.^—
They live in raised huts or wooden houses built very close
to one another. Groups of houses form one mahaUa with one
elected mahaUadar at its head. This <mahalladar is an aged and
respectable person and wields autocratic powers and his wish
is regarded as law by every one residing in his mahalUi. All
disputes between themselves are decided by makalladars and
they hardly resort to the law courts, except at the express
direction of the mahcUladar. ' Inter-mahaUa affairs are settled by
the mahalladars of different mahals concerned. By nature they
are meek, peaceful and ease-loving and are terribly afraid of the
law and its agencies. All of them belong to the same sect,
with Buddhism as their common religion. They maintain
several Keyanga (temples of Buddha) which are occupied by
celibate priests and their disciples who live on cooked food,
sent to them by the villagers. Each Keyang situated in a
solitary place contains a good many images of Lord Buddha.
Some of the images are adorned with costly ornaments. The
celibate priests are recruited from the villagers after the
performance of a ceremony called the Maiahang ceremony. The
family feels proud and happy if it can supply a Maiahang in
the Keyang.
Polyandry or polygamy is not in existence. Widow-
remarriage is in vogue. Divorce is rare and its incidents are
governed by the Burmese Buddhist law which is in force in
Lower and Upper Burma. No sexual indulgence with outsiders
is allowed before or after marriage. System of courtship is
^ Bom Joara, P. S. Patiya, Chittagong. Made Rai Bahadur
in 1982. Was Government Pleader^ Cox's Bazar, Chittagong,
Chairman, Cox’s Bazar Municipality.
128
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
unknown. Marriage is generally settled by the parents of the
parties in consulation with their relations (numbering on each
side not leas than 7 persons). Consent of the bridegroom or
the bride is not essential. The marriage ceremony is simjple
and does not entail much expenditure. The bridegroom’s party
will visit the bride’s house with some ornaments and sweets
and in presence of the invited gentlemen of both the sides, the
guardians of the bridegroom will make them over to the
guardians of the bride ; this will mean an engagement or
preliminary contract for marriage. On the day of marriage the
priest will go to the bridegroom’s house and bless him with
some mantras. The same priest will then visit the bride’s
house and bless her with similar mantras, and on the same day
the priest will again bless the couple in the house of the bride
in presence of their grand-father or grand-mother or grand¬
uncle or grand-aunt. This being over the bridegroom and the
bride will take a meal from the same dish. After the meal the
wife will walk round the husband seven times saluting him as
her husband on each round. They will then live in the bride’s
house for seven days as husband and wife and on each of those
seven days the husband will present flowers to the wife. On
the eighth day the newly-married couple will visit the Keyang
and there they will take a vow before the priest that they will
never separate. Thus the marriage is completed. No document
of any kind is required.
A note on some of their festivals and social customs is
given below :—
(а) Boat festival .—This takes place on the full-moon night
in the month of Aswin. They make religious offerings in the
Keyang during the daytime and at dusk they flock to the bank
of the river. They prepare small toy boats with pieces of wood
and cloth and paper and gorgeously decorate them with lace and
coloured papers. Inside the boat they carefully place lit candles
and get them afloat in the water. They shout, sing and clap
their hands as those toy boats float down the stream with the
current. It is Lord Buddha, they say, sailing through the dark
world with light.
(б) Waler festival .—This takes place on the last day of
Chaitra. It is gala >day for the youths and children. They
APPENDIX B <2)
129
(both male and female) come out in Ihei street in batches with
buckets and syringes and throw water at one another ; one
batch fights the other with water, running, chasing, retreating,
attacking ; shouts of joy and loud laughter ring through the
air. Other people than the Maghs are also attacked with water
when passing along the street. Every one takes it in good
spirit. This resembles to certain extent the dolja^ra of the
Hindus. Seniors rarely take part in this festival.
(c) Buha Chakra. —This comes off on the full-moon day in
the month of Magh. Of all the festivals this seems to be
enjoyed most by the Maghs. It lasts for 3 or 4 days. A buha
(labyrinth) is constructed of bamboo fencing on fairly large
block of land, with two gates, one of entrance and the other
of exit. Once you enter the labyrinth, you have to go round
and round by several ziz-zag ways laid between bamboo fences
and the labyrinth is so skilfully constructed that you cannot
come out of it unless you have traversed the whole area of the
land enclosed. Inside the labyrinth there are 4 or 6 pedestals
on which are placed beautiful images of Lord Buddha. In
course of moving along the labyrinth the people halt before each
image and salute it and place a lighted candle at the foot of
the image invoking the Lord’s blessings. The gate of entrance
is dark and the gate of exit is well lighted. During this festival
there are pantomine and puppet shows, and watcha dances (dance
of the Buddhist professional girls) are also performed.
(d) Phungyi burning deremony. —This is perhaps the most
exi>ensive ceremony of the Maghs. When a Phungyi dies (a
priest of high class) they preserve the dead body in a bier in
the Keyang for a period of one year. During this time all the
mahaUaa contribute money and big wooden cannons are pi^ared
and loaded with guniK>wder. On the appointed day all the
Maghs of all the nuihiaUas flock to the cremation ground and
arrange the cannons in a row with a flag of each mahalla flying
over its cannon. With pomp and ceremony, in a well-adomed
bier, the dead body is brought into the cremation ground in
procession, followed by the Magh musical concert party. The
bier is then placed on a well decorated put built high up in
air like the Persian tower of silence. Cannons are then dis¬
charged from a distance of about 400 yards towards that hut
9
180
MAGH EAIDEBS IN BENGAL
amidst shouts and uproar. The cannon-ball that touches th&
hut or passes very close to it receives tremendous cheers and
the fortuhate mahaUa to which that cannon belongs, feels itself
proud and happy. They run up to the cannon and bring the
empty cannon back dancing and singing round it all the while.
After all the cannons have been discharged one after the other,
the hut is set on fire with various combustible substance and
with the bier is soon burnt into ashes.
The Magke, except the poor and children, are burnt with
pomp and ceremony. The corpse is placed in a beautiful coffin
and is carried along the street in a big procession of both,
sexes followed by a musical party.
APPENDIX C
NOTES ON THE FOLK DANCES OF BENGAL BY
THE LATE MIL G. S. DUTT ICS.
Raibeshe. —Of all forms of folk dance in Bengal the
Raibeshe is undoubtedly the most interesting. It is found in
some of the Western Bengal districts, e.g., Birbhum, Burdwan
and Murshidabad. It is practised by the Bduris and the Domes
of th-e Hindu community.
The dancing is performed by a group of men to the accom¬
paniment of the Dhol (a type of indigenous drum) and the
K&nsi (gong). The dancers wear brass anklets called Nupurs
on their right legs and are usually adults through they
occasionally include youths of tender age. This dance is one
of the manliest and most vigorous folk dances extant in any
country in the world and is marked by a remarkable dignity,
orderliness and rhythm. The scheme of dancing is absolutely
free from all traces of effiminacy and vulgarity, and displays a
high order of symmetry and an innate sense of discipline in
the dancers.
The dancing is punctuated by occasional yells, and the whole
atmosphere is one of warlike excitement. But with all the
vigour and virility introduced into the dancing, and the excite¬
ment under which it is performed, there is that restraint which
is the criterion of all true art.
The dancing takes various forma and is in the nature of
military exercises. At times the performers stand in a file or
form a column and press forward with a singular orderliness ;
at times again, th^ form a ring and with slightly bended knees,
hop forward alternately joining and extending the knees
imitating the gesture and movement of a horseman. The
movements are such that all the muscles of the body are brought
into prominence and play during the dance. Sometimes the
dance is performed in pairs, one man supporting another on his
shoulder, the dancer on the ground performing the usual move¬
ments of the dance while the dancer on his shoulder also
132
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
performs the same movements with his arms and hands in a
standing posture.
The: dancing has as its counterpart a complete system of
acrobatics which are remarkable for dignity, and the daring,
valour and artistic grace with which they are executed, and
which, like the dancing itself, are performed to the accompani¬
ment of rhythmic beats of the Dhol and the stirring gong of
the Kami.
From its nature it seems obvious that the Raibeshe was a
war dance in its origin. The Rdibeshleis appear to have been
the spearmen in the infantry of ancient Bengal from the earliest
times ; and references have been found to Raibeshe soldiers
in ancient Bengali literature.
In **Kabikankan Chandi,” an epic poem of Mukunda Ram
Ghakrabarty who lived from 1544 to 1608 A.D., the following
passages occur :—
(1) ^rt!r «iT»,
irtw twi «rrff i
(1) “Footmen with bells round their waists and sounding
anklets round their ankles press on—^the Raibeshes also rush
forward.*'
(This passage occurs in the description of King Shalibahan’s
march.) ; 'I
I
(2) *mr, % Tfrr,
tr»f i
(2) “Footmen with sounding anklets march on with closed
fists, the Raibeshes carry their Rdibamh (lances) in their hands."
(3) <7rr*mr nr?, fhr
ITT? ^ I
(3) "The Raibeshes wearing golden anklets march with
great speed in rings and circular formation, and carry their
Rdibamh (lances) in their hands."
APPENDIX C
183
[These two passages occur in the description of the march
of the King of Kalinga which then included the southern part
of Rarh Country (West Bengal) and Orissa.]
(4) ^ *^5 Tfcw «rnr »rrt^ w,
^ siTf? I
m tM ^5^, <rf^,
f5TTr% I
(4) ^'Thousands of battle drums are beating, millions of
footmen rush forward ; in the turmoil of battle nobody payu
any heed to others ; the Raibeahss, musketeers and archers
participate in the struggle, the golden standard bearers go
ahead.**
(6) <(iir ?rr?
<mr f¥^Tnr CW i
(5) **The Raibeshes form themselves into rings and press
forward, some brandish their javelins as they advance.”
These two passages occur in the description of the conquest
of Guzrat by the King of Kalinga, which then included the
present Rarh Country (West Bengal) and Orissa.
The following passage is found in ”Annada Mangal”, a
poetical work of Bharat Chandra Rai Gunakar, a famous Bengali
Poet who lived from 1712 to 1760 A.D. In describing Raja
Mansingh’s expedition in the 16th century against Protapaditya
of Jessore, the poeit writes :
(6) »rt»!rrhr w-WTir i
^ TTsw I
WTTO iRTmr ^ i
(6) **Soldiers in red uniforms and the personal guards (of
the Raja) march ahead in columns. Musketeers, archers, shield-
men, R&ibeshes, Mals (probably soldiers recruited from
Mallabhumi in Bankura) and cavidry men follow.”
134
MAG^ RAIDERS IN BENGAL
The passage quoted below is from Ram Prasad Sen
Kabiranjan who lived from 1718 to 1776 :—
(7)
m trpf (?i^ ^ I
(7) “There are millions of expert archers who never miss
their mark and there are the Rdibeshes who are not behindhand
in the use of their Rdibansh (spears).”
The next passage is from “Dharma Mangal”, a famous
Bengali book by Manik Ganguly who lived from 1694 to 1748.
The passage occurs in the description of the court of a Raja in
the 11th century.
(8) JtK C'fci irn^rTCW I
(8) “Raibeshes and cavalry soldiesrs are assembled in
martial uniforms.”
The following passage is from “Dharma Mangal” of
Ghanaram Chakrabarty who lived in the latter part of the 17th
century. The passage occurs in the description of the scene of
attack of Maynagarh by Mahamada Patro in the 11th century :—
(9) ^1,
^ <rf?r I
FT^, 9Hrc^
B •
(9) “The Ranabhuya and Mallabhuya soldiers (probably
recruits from Ranabhumi and Mallabhumi), soldiers from
Magadha (modem Behar), ‘archers, musketeers, Raibeahea,
soldiers on chargers and elephants,—^altogether a hundred
thousand strong march forward.”
The name R&ib&ahe was applied to the lancers the handles of
whose weapons were made from a particular kind of tough
handmo called Rdi (king) Bdnah (bamboo).
The R&ibeshes were soldiers in ancient days and their dance
was a war dance, but in recent years the only demand for these
APPENDIX C
185
dances was on thei occasion of weddings in Hindu families.
With the decline in public taste in this country, dancing as a
martial and manly art and as a vehicle for the expression of
pure joy fell into disfavour, and the Rdibeshe dancers, who
belong to what is called the lower and depressed classes of society,
and who, being in a state of poverty and semi-starvation, were
obliged to cater to a corrupted public taste, grew long hair and
adopted women’s dress as their dancing apparel. In consequence
of this, their style of dancing underwent, in many instances, a
regrettable deterioration, inasmuch as it often became distinctly
effiminate and sometimes suggestive of vulgur ideas, in imitation
of “nautch” girls. But fortunately this deterioration has not
been universal and a few troupes of Raibeshe dancers are still
to be found who have preserved the old traditional dance in its
purity of style and manliness of form. The degree of corruption
and degeneration is to my mind directly proportional to the length
of time that has intervened between their military ancestors
and the present day dancers. And this view receives suppotrt
from the fact that the Raibeshe dancers of Rajnagar and the
neighbouring villages in Birbhum where a line of Muslim kings
reigned till comparatively recent times, have been found to have
•completely escaped the degrading influences.
It may be mentioned that according to a competent observer
the Khuttack dance of the Pathan soldiers bears some similarity
to the Raibeshe dance.
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CALENDAR OF PERSIAN CORRESPONDENCE.
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DICTIONARY—^New Standard Dictionary & Encyclopoedia.
DICTIONARY—Saral Ban^a Abhidhan.
DUNCAN Jonathan—^Report on Sandwip, 177ft.
138
MAGH BAIDESS IN BENGAL
EAST INDIA CHRONICLE.
ELIOT—^Takmilla-e-Akbarnama.
—History of India, Dawson.
flRMlNGER. Rev. Dr. W. K.—^Introduction ,to the Fifth Report.
FIRST COMING OF THE ENGLISH-Article in B.P.P. Vol. XXVII.
GANGARAM—Maharaslra Puran.
GATE E. A.—^History of Assam.
GHOSH J. M.—Sannyasi and Fakir Raiders in Bengal.
„ Select Chapters on Mymensingh.
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Vol. XXXII.
„ An Afghan Fortress in Mymensingh. Do. Vol. XXVII.
GHOSH S. M.—Kayestha BangshabalL
„ Sisir Kumar—Naysha Rupea.
GHOSAL Kasi Chandra—^Bharer Meye article in Prabasi 1325 B.S.
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„ Further notes on Rangpur.
“GRIER” Sydney—Letters of Warren Hastings to his wife.
GUPTA J. N.—Vikrampurer Itihas.
HAMIDULLA—^Taxikh-i-Chatgaon.
HAMILTON. Alexander—New account of East Indies.
HARVEY. History of Burma.
HOBSON JOBSON.
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Vangla Sahitya.
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Venetian.
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1831.
JOURNAL OF H.M.S. HARWICH IN INDIA (174549)—Bengal Past &
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.LAHIRI A. C. Rai Bahadur—Fiiuil Report of Settlement operations in
24 Parganas.
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MASTER Slrynsham—Diary & Map.
MEDINIPURER ITIHASH.
MIDNAPUR DISTRICT RECORDS Vol. I to IV.
MITRA. S. C. Jessore Khulnar Itihas.
MUKHERJI D. N. See under Jnananessan.
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MUKHERJI—Dr. Radha Kamal—Changing Face of BengaL
MUKUNDARAM—Kabi Kankan Chandi,
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140 MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
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ft Final Report of the Settlement operation in Tlpperah
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«
WEBSTER J. £.—^Eastern Bengal District Gazetteer—Noakhali.
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0
Supplement (Govt. Publications)
ABSTRACT OF LETTERS to and from Court of Directors.
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(Vols. I—X).
SELECT INOEX
iThis index is not exhaustive but only indicative)
(1—110 pages)
[* or t indicates taken away by Maghs or Portuguese]
A
Abul Fazl, 48» 62, 84
Abu Torab, 42, 43, 44 109.
Akbar 9, 78.
Alapsingh, 89.
tAlwal (carried away by Portuguese),
18, 39.
Amar Manikya, 14
Annada Mangal, 69.
Arakan, 7, 8 17 25. 27, 37, 38, 599
68, 98, 101, 108, Chap. V Passim.
Arakanese, 3, 15, 23*25, 40, 86, 95,
10, 108 passim.
Arakanese language, 19, 20.
(See also under Maghi language).
Asaduzzaman, 74.
Aurangzeb, 15, 73, 86, 87, 91, 94,
99.
Aswamedh Jagna, 12.
Ayodhakanda 64
A^mushan, 94
B
Bakla, 52 (footnote), 60, 67.
Balasore 51, 85.
Ballal Sen, 18, 27, 105.
Bally, 26.
Bandel, 8, 75, 105, 107.
Baniachang, 66, 83.
Bankimchandra, 52, 66, 70, 74
Bankura, 43.
Bansberia Raj, 72.
Bara katra, 89, 90.
Bargis, 1.
Bernier, 6, 41, 49, 50, 58.
Betka (Vikrampur) 32.
Bhabaninath, 12.
Bharer Maye, 2, 6, C^hap. 11, 105.
passim.
Bhowsingh Ghat, 91, 94
Bhusna, 4 52, 60, 65. 66.
Bhuiyas 49, (ihap. VI, 59, 62, 65,
74 82, BS passim.
Bhnsuk, 9.
Bhulua, 37, 39, 41, 43, 60, 95.
*Binod (carried away by Maghs), 3L
Birbhum, 43, 75.
Birchandra Manikya, 13.
Birkul, 35.
*Bi8hnupriya (taken away
by Maghs), 31.
Biswati, 10.
Bokainagar, 66, 71, 72.
Burdwan, 29, 43, 75.
Burmese, 20, 21, 23, 61, 103.
Burmese Common Era, 22.
Buxaries, 72.
Buzrukumed Khan, 15, 66, 100.
C
Calcutta, 32, 53, 74, 91, 94, 107.
Canungoe, 78 82.
(Kanungo)
Carvalho, 67.
Cesaro Fredrico, 35, 36.
Casew nut, 99.
Ceylon, 2, 8.
Chaitanya Bhagabat, 93.
Chaitanya Charitamrita Madhyaljlai,
93.
Chakraburty (Kaviraj)), 89.
*Chakraburty Raghuiam (daughta
carried away by Maghs), 31.
*Chkraburty Ramsaran (wife taken
away & married at Piply), 31.
Chakraburty Sankar, 70.
Chakrasala, 12.
* ^and (wife carried away by
Maghs), 31.
Chandipur, 51.
Chandican, 67, 68.
(See Sagar Island)
Chandra Dynasty 22 51 (foot note).
Chandradwip 52, 57, 67, 106.
Chardrakona, 75.
(]lhand Roy, 39.
(ISiarja Giti, 9.
diamock, 94.
Chhatrabhog, 93.
Chhutl Khan, 12.
142
MAGH BADERS IN BENGAL
Chilmari. 85.
Chittagong (Chatgaon), 2, Intro¬
duction, 59, 60, 87, 105, 108
passim.
Chanda 12.
Clive, 54.
Comilla, 49.
Cooch Behar, 73.
Coiomondel, 3.
D
Dacca, 59, 60, 68, 83, %‘98, 100
passim.
*Dokari (carried away by Mogha),
31.
Dakshin Roy, 50.
Damodar, 75.
Dangar, 106.
Danuj Rai. 1
Danuj Madhab j
Daai, 104, 106.
Daud Khan, 65.
Daulambapur, 66.
Daybhag, 104-106.
Dewan, 78, 82
Dhanya Manikya, 13, 56, 57.
Dhapa, 99.
Dhapdhupi, 50.
Dianga, 2, 36, 37 passim.
Dibya, 64.
Digbijayprakas, 48.
Dilal Khan, 39, 98, 99 (foot-note)
passim.
Dilwara, 99.
Duncan, 44, 54, 108 passim.
E
Eastern Pakistan, 23, 49, 61.
Ebadat Khan, 73.
Egarasindur, 63, 65.
Estak, 46.
F
Fakir, 1. ®
Fateh Khan, 36.
Fedai Khan, 97
Feringis, 14. 31, 57, 60, 91„ 94,
97. 99, (footnote) 105 passim.
Fulbibahi, 106.
G
*Ganesh (daughter carried away by
Maghs), 32.
Gangoaram, 1.
Goto HiUs 10. 73.
Gastaldi, 48.
Ghyasuddin Balban, 57, 63.
Goa, 2, 51, 68.
Gobinda Manikya, 13.
Golams, 107.
Golandazes, 11, 91.
Gonzales, 36, Chap. Ill passim 96..
Gorai Mullick, 49.
H
Haors, 10, 66.
Harmad (Armada), 32, 39,
Hastings, 5, 35, 52, 108.
Hazaries, 42, 91.
Hijli, 75.
Hindustan Standard, 7.
Hiuen Tsang, 55.
Hughi, 29, 60, 85, 105 (a alave-
mart).
Hurshapur (Hariehpur), 76.
Hussain Beg, 41.
Hussain Shah-Sultan Alauddin, 3, 8,.
12, 13, 49, 52, 92 passim.
Hussain Sh^, King of Arokan, 49,
56, 59 passim.
1
Ibrahim Khan I, 14, 70.
Ibrahim Khan H, 1()0.
Ibn Hussain, 99, 100.
Ichamati, 98.
Indrani Pargana, 91, 94w
Isa Khan, 14, 62-65, 82.
Islam Khan, 14, 42, 59. 63, 65,
69, 70, 80, 82, 94-96, 98 passim.
Islamabad. See under Chittagong,
102 .
J
*Jadu (carried away by Maghs), 31.
Jagannath, 27.
Jahangir. See under Jehan^.
Jahangimagar. See under Dacca, 59.
Jamal Khan. 70.
Janai, 28.
Jangalbari, 65, 82.
Jasareswari, 7.
Jator Deul, 51.
Java, 8, 18.
Jayantachandra, 51.
Jaychandra, 12, 55.
Jehangir, 9, 80, 94.
Jelior Haor, 10.
Jessore, 60.
INDEX
14S
Jnanannesan, 28
Jogendr^nath Gupta, 29.
Jones Sir William, 108.
Jugdia, 57, 59, 96.
K
Kabikankan Chandi, 43, 64^ 94.
Kadam Rasul, 65.
Kaibartas, 63, 64, 69.
Kalikata (Calcutta), 91 94 passim.
Kamal Khoja, 70.
tKamdeb (carried away by Firinghis)
31.
Kaudarpanarain, 69.
Kanungo (Canungo), 78, 82.
*Kurpurmanjuri girl
carried away by Maghs, 31.
Kasim Khan 8. See under Quamm
Khan.
Kasi Chandra Ghosal, 32.
Kathaltali (Vikrampur), 31.
Katlu Khan, 66, 70.
Kautilya, 1(^.
Kedar Kai, 14. 15, 62, 66^, 82, 107
passim.
Khanzad Khan, 59.
Khizirpur, 65, 96.
Kirtinarayan (Bakla), 68, 82.
Kirtinarayan (Bhulua), 43.
tKrishnachandra (tainted by
Feringis), 31.
Kulinism, 26, 106.
Kulpi, 71.
L
Laksham Digbijoy, 12.
Lalitpur, 94.
Lutfunnesa (Begum of Serajuddowla),
89.
H
*Madhu (carried away by Maghs),
31.
Magh, 1, Chap. I passim.
Maghad, 9, 18 22.
Maghadeswari 6, 22.
Magh Era, 4, 22, 56.
Magher Dighi, 4.
Magher M^uk, 4.
Maghi Jarip, 17.
Maghi language (See Arakan langu¬
age), 20, 25.
Magh Taint, 30, Chap. 11 passim.
Majnu Shah, 1.
Malabar, 3.
Malcandi, 76.
Malleswari, 7.
Mandu Rai, 67.
*Maniiupa girl carried
away by Maghs, 31.
Manoel-de-Mathos, 36.
Man Singh, 26, 39, 65-69, 82 passam.
Mantrasakti 64.
Master Streynsham, 3, 60.
Masum Khan Kabuli, 63.
Matiari or Metiari, 31, 33, 91.
Meer Bahar, 84.
Megasthenes 104.
Mctiabruz, 3.
Midnapur, 47, 73, 74.
Mir Jafar, 4^
Mir Jumla, 86, 98.
Mir Kasim, 16, 42, 74, 100.
I Mitaskhara 106.
Mohisin, 71.
Morung, 85.
Muazimabad, 72.
Muckwa Fort or Magher Fort or
Thana Fort, 3, 70, 92 passim.
(See picture on cover)
Mulcum Singh, 42, 43.
Munnijan (sister of Mohisiu), 71.
Munwar Klian, 85, 98.
Murohidabad, 107.
Mursbidkuli Khan, 86, 100.
Musa Khan, 63, 65 passim.
Mussing Mehals, 87.
Mymensingh, 29.
Mymensingh Gitika, 10.
N
Nabadwip, 29.
Nafars, 107.
Naff (river), 11, 23, 24
Nanda Kumar (Maharaja), 28.
Naranarayan, 64
Narapadigya, 98.
Nathan, 72, 73.
Nawara, 5, 11, 61, 66, 71 Chap. VlII
passim.
N^se Rupiya (by Mahatma Sisir
Kumar Ghosh) 29.
NEFA, 110.
Nepal, 9, 18.
I tNilkantha (daughter taken away by
, Harmad-Potuguese), 32.
Noapara, 107.
Noakhali, 41, 97, 102, 103.
Noor Jehan 97.
O
Orissa, 106.
144
MAGH RAIDERS IN BENGAL
P
Pachet, 75.
PaU» 21.
Panchanan, 1.
Pangal Panthis, 73.
Panikkar, 3.
Paragal Khan, 3, 12, 57, 94.
*PaTamanan(la Mukho (carried away
by Maghs) 32.
Paramananda (Raja), 52 (footnote),
68 .
Patikiira, 12, 55.
Peahkush, 62, 74, 78.
Piply. 2, 3, 31, 33, 35, 51, 76, 105
passim.
Pir Kalu Roy, 50.
Portuguese, 3, 6, 36, 39, 59, 68, 84.
Chap. Ill passim.
Protapaditya, 2, 14, 26, 39, 49, 53,
62, 63, 69, 70, 82, 95 passim.
Protap Manikya, 13.
Q
Qasimali Khan see also Kasimali
Kluin, 59.
R
Rabindranath, 13, 64^ 69
Raghudeb, 64.
Raghunath (Raja of Susung), 72.
Raibeshi, 43, 91, App. C passim.
Raikat, 62.
Raja Rai, 63.
^Rajaram (carried away by Maghs),
31.
Rajastan, 110.
RajballaT, 67.
Rajbangshi, 5, 19, 23, 61.
Rajmahal, 51, 60, 86, 98.
Rajmala 13, 14, 22 passim.
Ram Chandra (Raja), 69.
*Ram Chandra (carried away by
Maghs), 32. c
*Rameswar Gangnli (daughter taken
away by Mai^s), 32.
*Rainapati (his unmarried daughter
taken away by Maghs), 32.
Ramu, 13, 14.
Rennell. 6, 35, 92. See Annesure.
Reza Khan, 73.
Rosnng, 14, 21, 23.
Rogues River, 60, 70, 75, 95.
(Rupnarain, Pathai^hata)
^Rosario (taken away by Maghs &
sold), 4.
S
Sagar Island, 8, 70, 71.
Sagri (Slaves) , 110.
Saka Era 14.
Sakaraj Era, 22, 56.
Sambandha Nimaya, 27.
Sangramgarh, 60, 99.
Sankaracharyya, 18.
Sankar Chakraburty.
See under Chakraburty.
Saptagram (Satgaon), 15, 71.
Saratchandra, 10.
Sati, 106.
Saudi Arabia, 110.
Sekendar Shah 14, 56, 58.
Selim Shah, 14, 56, 58.
SerajuddowUah, 87, 89.
Shahajadpur, 63, M (footnote).
Shah Alam, 16.
Shahastraksha Dutt, 72.
Shah Jahan, 8, 86, 97, 105.
Shah Suja, 13, 40, 51, 50, 85, 86,
98 passim.
Shaista Khan 8, 40-42. 44, 99, 100
passim
Sibpur Botanical Garden 2.
*Sibram Chakraburty (detained by
Maghs released by a Baidya on
paying ransom), 32.
Sisir Kumar Ghosh, 29.
Sitaram (Raja), 52 (footnote).
Slavery 5, Chap. XI passim.
Slaves, 1, 2, 3, 51 Chap. XI passim.
Sonargram. 13, 60, 63, 65, 67.
Sri (before names), 83.
Srikar Nandi 12.
Srinagar, 68.
Sripur Firingi, 14, 60, 67, 95.
Sri Sudharma, 18, 56.
Suhrid Samity (Mymensingh), 10.
Suja Khan, 75.
Sumatra, 8.
Sunderbans Chap. IV, 66 passim.
Suryya Kanta Gnha, 70.
Susung, 27, 72.
♦Surupa 3^71 girl carried away
by Maghs), 31.
Sylhet, 29.
Syrium, 58.
T
Tamluk, 1, 29, 60, 105.
Taranath (LaiM), 22, 48, 51 (foot¬
note) .
Tarikh'i'CIhatgaon, 57.
Todar Mall, 35, 51, 65, 74, 85.
Tripura, 14^ 21, 23, 61 passim.
INDEX
145
Tripura Sangbad, 49.
Tugrsl (Tugrail), 13» 57, 63.
lYunar Asal Jama, 74% 84.
U
Udayaditya, 70.
Udaypur, 14
Ummat Johura (daughter of Serajud-
dowUah), 89.
Usman, 63, 66, 72, 89.
V
Van Den Broucke's map, 39, 48, (!i6,
92.
Vangala, 48.
Vezelst, 16, 100
Varthema, 67.
Vidyasagar, 28, 29.
Vikramapur (Bikrampur), 28, 60,
68, 84. 96.
Y
Yorke, 74
10
CORRIGENDA
PajftJ line
ii
2
Read
years for ears
ii
2
Read
ago for before
1
foot note 2
Read
Kabita for Kabits
8
29
Read
Rogues' for Rogue's
31
18
Read
tainted for tained
33
31
Read
Majumdar for Majumbar
52
19
Read
3 for 2
54
14
Read
alliance for alliances
58
1
Read
served for serving
61
10
Read
Mills' for Mill's
64
15
Read
convoy for convey
65
29
Read
energetic for enargctic
66
28
Omit
of
72
11
Read
Riyaz for Riaz
73
25
Read
subjugate for subjucate
79
3
Read
only for nly
89
35
Read
of for for
92
29
Read
Hussain for Husian
99
9
Read
Portuguese for Portugese
106
24
Read
author for auther
107
17
Read
•
or for of
114
1
Read
article for articles
114
8
Read
Ghaibi for Ghaibie
114
24
Read
eminent for emment
116
16
Read
Sripur for Sripru
115
16
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